We are pleased to republish this article by John Ross, Senior Fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China, which originally appeared in English on Learning from China on 11 June 2021.
The 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) comes as not only China but humanity faces a fundamental crossroads – as will be seen this is not a rhetorical exaggeration but a literal reality. On the one hand, with the CPC’s leadership, China’s national rejuvenation has proceeded at an unprecedented pace. Taking simply the economic dimension of this, in 1949 China was almost the world’s poorest country – only two Asian and eight African countries had lower per capita GDPs than China.[i] By 2020 China had not only eliminated absolute poverty and achieved “moderate prosperity” by its own domestic criterion, but it was on the brink of becoming a “high-income economy” by international World Bank standard. For a major country to go in only just over 70 years, a single lifetime, from such poverty to a high-income economy is historically unparalleled.
But simultaneously various international forces are attempting to block China’s development – as seen graphically in the new “cold war” launched against China by powerful US circles. And the international context is that humanity today faces a series of great crises which will inevitably affect billions of people – and the worst of which are capable of eliminating a large part of humanity.
Neither China, nor any other individual country, can by themselves escape the consequences of this. Scientists estimate that well within a decade decisive action must be taken to deal with climate change or humanity faces uncontrollable risks which at a minimum would gravely affect the condition of life of billions of people and in the most extreme developments would gravely threaten human civilization. The threat of nuclear war, devastating human civilisation, still exists. In the shorter term, internationally the Covid19 pandemic is not under control and, in addition to its large-scale loss of life globally, this has produced the greatest international economic downturn since the Great Depression – the World Bank estimates this will push around 100 million people into poverty globally and hundreds of millions will suffer falls in incomes or loss of jobs.
Xi Jinping has repeatedly underlined the inevitable interrelation of China’s domestic situation with this international context in referring to: “this global village of ours, where countries’ interests and future are so interconnected.”[ii] Therefore, from the positive angle: “The Chinese people are well aware that China’s development has benefited from the international community.” [iii] The reverse equally applies – China would be unable to escape the consequences of serious adverse international developments. China’s interaction with the rest of the world, its foreign policy, is therefore of critical importance both globally and for China’s own progress.
In this situation China’s foreign policy shows the continuing development of the CPC. As will be analysed, the CPC’s concept of a community of “common destiny for humanity” is fundamental for dealing with the critical challenges of the coming period of international relations. That this foundation of China’s foreign policy is both based in Marxism, but is also a development of it, shows the dynamic and creativity of the CPC itself.
The scale of China’s achievement
Before dealing directly with foreign policy, in order to situate this in the general development of the CPC, it is useful first to summarise China’s domestic achievements – as doing so makes possible an adequate scale of assessment of the overall position of the CPC. These domestic developments, in turn, are of such a large scale that they help shape the overall global situation.
The CPC has not only led the rejuvenation of China. – which is, naturally, the focus of its domestic development. In terms of international comparisons, China during the period of the CPC’s state leadership, has been responsible for the greatest improvement in the conditions of life of by far the greatest proportion of humanity in any country in all human history. This statement is not that of an overheated patriot, or a dogmatic and blinkered adherent of Marxism, but a simple issue of fact.
As already noted, between 1949 and 2020 China was lifted from almost the world’s poorest country to the brink of a high-income economy by international definition – by World Bank criteria China will achieve such a rank in 2022 or 2023. Since the launching of “Reform and Opening Up”, China’s economy between 1978 and 2020 expanded at an annual average 9.2% growth rate, its economy grew in size more than 40 times. No other country in history has achieved such a high growth rate over such a sustained period.
To understand the global impact of this it is simply necessary to note that China has a bigger population than all other countries with high income economies put together – China is nearly 18% of the world’s population, while all existing high-income economies are 16%. China entering the ranks of high-income economies will therefore more than double the number of people in the world living in high income economies – a globally transformative event.
China’s rapid economic expansion also benefitted, by a huge margin, a greater proportion of humanity than any other country which has experienced rapid economic development. The first country in human history to experience rapid economic growth was Britain at the time of the Industrial Revolution – this was 2% of the world’s population. The US, after its Civil War, experienced rapid growth that affected 3.2% of the world’s population. The Soviet Union’s rapid growth after 1929 was with 8.4% of the world’s population. But China at the beginning of its rapid economic growth was 22% of the world’s population. China’s economic growth therefore benefitted an almost three times greater proportion of humanity than any other country which had ever experienced rapid economic development.
In terms of the benefit to the population in average living standards, between 1978 and 2020 China’s household consumption grew by 1,800 percent – average household consumption in China increased 18 times. The next large country after this was Indonesia, at a 920% increase in the same period. China improved household consumption more than twice as much as any other large country.
China since 1981 has lifted 853 million people out of World Bank internationally defined poverty – three out of four people lifted out of poverty in the world.
Beyond the direct effects of economic development, economists know that the best index of overall social conditions is average life expectancy. By far the most important factor in this is per capita GDP – statistically it accounts for 73% of life expectancy. However, 27% is not accounted for by per capita GDP. Therefore, it is possible to measure the effect of other social conditions by whether life expectancy is above or below that which would be expected for a country with that level of per capita GDP.
The US population, for example, on average lives two years less than would be expected from US per capita GDP. In China, the average life expectancy is over two years more than would be expected from its per capita GDP. Therefore, for China non-directly economic factors (health, schooling, the environmental situation, etc.) are even better than the economic growth development.
These data confirm that the aim of development is not to have the economy grow rapidly as an end in itself. The aim is to improve the conditions of the people – and the data shows that the lives of the Chinese people were improved even more than was indicated by China’s literally unparalleled economic data.
Therefore, to return to the starting point, international comparisons shows that China under the CPC’s leadership has achieved the greatest improvement in living conditions of the greatest number of people in human history. Or as Xi Jinping stated in his speech on 95th anniversary of the CPC’s founding: “The largest developing country in the world has escaped poverty in just over 30 years and has become the second largest economy in the world… creating an earth-shattering development miracle in the history of human social development, and bringing new and vigorous vitality to the Chinese nation.”[iv]
The basis of the CPCs success
Turning now directly to foreign policy itself, and its relation to domestic policy, what is the origins of this extraordinary success of the CPC?
The fundamental reason for the CPC’s success, as President Xi Jinping has stressed, is the ability of the CPC to integrate Marxism with China’s reality: “In 1921, after the May Fourth Movement, the Chinese Communist Party was born in the process of integrating Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese labour movement under the background of the Chinese nation’s internal and external troubles and social crisis.
“The Communist Party was born in China, which was a great event that broke new ground. This ground-breaking event has profoundly changed the direction and process of the development of the Chinese nation in modern times, profoundly changed the future and destiny of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, and profoundly changed the trend and pattern of world development.” [v]
This ability of the CPC to fuse Marxism with Chinese reality enabled the simultaneous defeat of the century long direct foreign aggression against China and opened the way for China’s socialist modernisation. Securing of real national independence formed the CPC’s original great foreign policy goal. As Xi Jinping put it: “This great historical contribution is that our party united and led the Chinese people in a 28-year bloody battle to defeat Japanese imperialism, overthrow the Kuomintang’s reactionary rule, complete the new democratic revolution, and establish the People’s Republic of China. The significance of this great historical contribution was to completely end the history of the semi-colonial and semi-feudal society of old China, to completely end the situation of the fragmentation of old China, and to completely abolish the unequal treaties imposed on China by the great powers and all the privileges of imperialism in China. China made a great leap from the feudal despotism which had existed for thousands of years to people’s democracy.” [vi]
The conclusion Xi Jinping drew from this, which forms the basis of both the CPC’s domestic and foreign policy, was therefore clear. The ongoing success of the CPC depends on its continuing adherence to Marxism: “we must adhere to the guiding position of Marxism, adhere to the close integration of the basic principles of Marxism with the reality of contemporary China.” [vii]
Therefore: “Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology for our party and nation. If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our party will lose its soul and lose its direction. On the fundamental issue of upholding the guiding position of Marxism, we must be firm and unwavering, and we must not waver in the slightest at any time and under any circumstances.” [viii]
In summary, as Xi Jinping stated: “what we want to build is socialism with Chinese characteristics, not any other ideologies.” [ix]
Common destiny of humanity
While Xi Jinping stressed that Marxism was the CPC’s foundation, he simultaneously noted that Marxism had to develop not only in terms of its integration with Chinese society but also in line with the overall new unfolding development of Chinese and global society: “in the face of the characteristics and practical requirements of the new era, Marxism is also facing the problem of further Sinicization, modernization, and popularization. Marxism does not end truth but opens up the road to truth. Engels had said long ago: ‘Marx’s entire worldview is not a doctrine, but a method. What it provides is not a ready-made dogma, but a starting point for further research and a method for such research.’” [x]
Therefore, as Xi Jinping put it: “We must examine the practical basis and practical needs of the contemporary development of Marxism with a broader perspective, adhere to the problem-oriented approach, insist on focusing on what we are doing, listen to the voice of the times, and further promote the development of Marxism in contemporary China. The combination of reality has continuously opened up a new realm for the development of Marxism in the 21st century, allowing contemporary Chinese Marxism to radiate a more brilliant light of truth.” [xi]
The CPC’s theoretical analysis
The concept of a “common destiny of humanity”, the core principle guiding the CPC’s foreign policy in the present world situation, is a clear expression of this process that the CPC is both rooted in classical Marxism and is a development of it – as is readily demonstrated.
Regarding the Marxist origins of the concept of a “common destiny for humanity” the origins of this in the foundations of Marxism are clear. Marx took from Adam Smith the understanding that division of labour, which Marx more accurately designated as “socialisation of labour”, was the most fundamental force of economic development. Smith himself noted that without social division of labour humanity, that is if it had remained resting on individual production, would have remained in an extremely primitive state of underdevelopment – more precisely non-development.
But Marx drew out far more profound implications than Smith had understood from this reality. From the first formulation of the theory of historical materialism, in The German Ideology, Marx stressed that the development of society was based on the increasing division/socialisation, of labour. As Marx noted: “How far the productive forces of a nation are developed is shown most manifestly by the degree to which the division of labour has been carried. Each new productive force… causes a further development of the division of labour.” [xii]
Humanity, starting with small scale localised production, had progressed via increasing division/socialisation of labour to culminate in modern globalisation production – in which humanity is linked with a planetary scale of interconnected production. It is this globalised scale of division/socialisation of labour which makes possible the colossal development of modern production and therefore the enormous material advancement of humanity. But this division/socialisation of labour also produces a “common destiny of humanity” because every country’s development in such a globalised system becomes increasingly interconnected, directly and indirectly, with the development of other countries.
This reality is, therefore, certainly a clear implication of Marxism, but it was first explicitly formulated and conceptualised by the CPC and is a cornerstone of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
As a consequence of this analysis, as Xi Jinping put it on the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPC: “The purpose of China’s foreign policy is to maintain world peace and promote common development… China is willing to expand the intersection of interests with other countries, promote the construction of a new type of international relations with cooperation and win-win at the core, and promote the formation of a community with a shared future for humanity.” [xiii]
The coming period for humanity
To understand how crucial this foreign policy foundation of the CPC is for the coming period of humanity it is necessary to examine the present and developing global situation.
Marxism analyses that eventually the entire world will make the transition to socialism – as socialism is a superior system of social organisation. But to deal with concrete problems of the coming period the issue of time scale must be considered – otherwise this abstract truth can lead to errors regarding the actual situation.
In Marxist analysis the global transition to socialism will be prolonged. The appropriate unit of measurement for this process is centuries – it is 150 years since the working class first took power in the Paris Commune, it is 104 years since a socialist society was first consolidated in Russia in 1917, it is 72 years since the creation of the People’s Republic of China, it is over 60 years since the Cuban people achieved socialism etc.
But key problems which are a great threat to humanity, in some cases an extreme threat, must be solved in a far shorter period of time that this – in some cases they must be solved in a few years. Science concludes for example, as already noted, that decisive steps must be taken to limit carbon emissions, within the next half decade to the next decade, or climate change will embark on a course threatening the situation of life of billions of people or even the present organisation of civilisation. The threat of nuclear war, similarly, threatens the existence of human civilisation in its present form. Less cataclysmic, but nevertheless affecting billions of people, the threat created by Covid19 must be contained – not only in terms of its direct effects on health but in terms of the scale of global economic downturn it has created.
Given that these problems must be solved in a far shorter period of time than it will take to make an international transition to socialism this means that they must be solved while capitalism still exists – indeed during a period when capitalism will be the dominant global system.
This does not mean that China and other countries cannot continue to develop. Or that other countries cannot embark on a struggle to create socialism. Or that mass pressure is not required on the capitalist class within capitalist countries. But it means that a situation has to exist which has some similarities to World War II, in which countries with different social systems came together to fight a grave threat to humanity – at that time fascism, and today threats such as climate change, nuclear war, the Covid19 pandemic and global economic downturn.
Facing this situation, while the most advanced political forces in every country are able to act on the basis of an understanding of the general interest of humanity, truly mass politics is only moved on the basis of the self-interest of those involved. It is to this reality that the CPC’s concept of the common destiny of humanity provides the key to how to confront and deal with this reality.
The interconnected character of modern society and production literally means that the most fundamental interests of humanity are also interconnected. It also means that China’s national rejuvenation, and the path of the CPC, corresponds to that of the overall interests of humanity. Xi Jinping stated this relation of China’s national rejuvenation and the interests of humanity very clearly at his first press conference after become CPC General Secretary: “Our responsibility is… to pursue the goal of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, so that China can stand firmer and stronger among the world’s nations, and make new and greater contributions to mankind.”[xiv] Or as Xi Jinping put it at the CPC in Dialogue with World Political Parties meeting in 2017: “The CPC is a political party dedicated to the wellbeing of the Chinese people and to the progress of human society.”[xv]
The marginalist/neo-liberal analysis
As the concept of a common destiny of humanity accurately corresponds to this reality of an interconnected economy and a world founded on division/socialisation of labour, why is it not immediately accepted – in particular in the US? Instead in the US, the accurate concepts in the CPC’s analysis are actively attacked by the alternative promoted by US neo-cons/neo-liberals.
The highest-level attempt to present an explicit alternative to the CPC’s concept of international relations was in a reply to Xi Jinping’s speech to the 2017 Davos World Economic Forum by the then US National Security Adviser McMaster and then Director of the US National Economic Council Cohn. They authored a Wall Street Journal article – which could not have appeared without sanction from the highest US authorities. In this they proclaimed: “the world is not a ‘global community’ but an arena where nations, nongovernmental actors and businesses engage and compete for advantage.”[xvi]
This analysis that there is no “global community”, a clear counterposition “a community of common destiny”, is directly based in marginalist/neo-liberal economics. In the marginalist concept the fundamental unit is not the division/ socialisation of labour analysed by Smith/Marx but the concept that economy and society is simply composed of individual units. McMaster and Cohn’s starting point is a restatement, an attempt to defend on the international field, exactly what the similarly neo-liberal Margaret Thatcher declared on the national terrain: “there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women.”[xvii] This marginalist concept of economics, and its conclusions, is therefore fundamentally counterposed to the analysis of Smith, Marx and the CPC.
Because this marginalist analysis fails to identify the mutual advantages of division/socialisation of labour it leads not to the correct concept of “a common destiny for humanity”, that is the mutual interests of an international community, but to the concept of international relations as a zero-sum game. In this analysis not cooperation but competition/conflict is considered as the fundamental framework of foreign policy.
But this analysis is fundamentally false. In reality, first, in innumerable key features, humanity is interdependent – to take merely the most pressing contemporary examples, as already noted, it is impossible to deal with climate change in a single country, Covid19 pays no attention to national boundaries and as long as it exists in any country it poses a potential threat to all countries. In terms of the economy, just as an individual would be incapable of creating any advanced system of production, so also a country cut off from global division of labour would be incapable of the most advanced economic development.
In short, the development of each is interlinked with the development of all – and from that interaction all can benefit. As President Xi stated it in popular terms in economics: “one plus one can be greater than two.”[xviii] Or put precisely: “a global community of shared future means that the future of each and every nation and country is interlocked.” [xix] This concept of a “common destiny of humanity”, which follows directly from the analysis of socialisation/division of labour, therefore necessarily destroys the concept that international relations are a “zero sum game”. Instead of a “zero-sum” situation, by engaging in division/socialisation of labour both or many sides can gain.
Naturally this concept of a common future for humanity does not mean that there are no conflicts between countries. But it means that they have more fundamental mutual interests, in that the prosperity and wellbeing of each country depends on international division of labour and mutual interaction – the prosperity of each country depends on other countries. This creates the reality of the international community – the “shared destiny for humanity”.
It is for this reason that, as Xi Jinping put it: “China… opposes the Cold War mentality and zero-sum game” and “the Communist Party of China will develop exchanges and cooperation with political parties and organizations in various countries and regions to promote the development of state-to-state relations.” [xx] It is the reality of this “community of the common destiny of humanity” which gives the ability of China to appeal to numerous forces in the world.
Social basis of different foreign policy concepts
The fundamental reason that US neo-liberals and neo-cons refuse to acknowledge this reality, however, is because these two different analyses have different social bases. The basis of the CPC is the working class. As Xi Jinping noted: ‘The working class is China’s leading class; it represents China’s advanced productive forces and relations of production; it is our Party’s most steadfast and reliable class foundation.’[xxi] The working class is the bearer of socialised production so, therefore, the reality of the interrelated character of humanity’s development is most evident to it. The capitalist class, in contrast, is divided into different competing units. It, therefore, sees the world as “not a ‘global community’ but an arena where nations, nongovernmental actors and businesses engage and compete for advantage.” In summary, Marxism and the working-class basis of the CPC enables it to see reality whereas the capitalist basis of neo-liberalism, expressed in marginalist economics, hides the truth regarding social reality.
The different social bases of these concepts of international relations, therefore, means that while the CPC’s concept of a shared destiny of humanity is objectively correct, it is not automatically accepted as true. An active struggle has to be waged for it to be understood. In regions where the capitalist class has the greatest power and influence, for example in the US, the idea of “zero sum games”, of “conflict”, or “extreme competition” etc., will be dominant. Where the working class has greater influence the concept of the “common destiny of humanity” will have greater influence – while in socialist countries, such as China, this concept will be dominant. Therefore, the struggle between different foreign policy ideologies accompanies the material development of different social forces and the different character of societies. It requires not only production of ideas but material forces, political parties and states, which are capable of embodying and struggling for these ideas.
This clash between totally different conceptions, of the accurate analysis of the CPC and the false conceptions of the neo-liberals, underlines how important the CPC’s conception is not only for China but for the world. Indeed, the CPC’s concept of a common destiny of humanity, the clearest concept of international relations, must necessarily play an increasing international role if the various threats to humanity which exist are to be successfully dealt with. As Xi Jinping put it: “Our country will move closer to the center stage of the world and make a greater contribution to humanity.” [xxii]
Global North and Global South
These realities also explain the different relation of forces around these international issues in different parts of the world. The concepts that there is no international community, of “zero sum games” etc are strongest where the capitalist class is strongest. This is in the advanced capitalist, more precisely imperialist, countries – the “Global North”. The capitalist class is weaker in developing countries, the “Global South”, and support for the ideas of a common destiny of humanity are therefore stronger there. The capitalist class is weakest of all in the socialist countries – where it is no longer the ruling class and where, therefore, the CPC’s ideas were developed.
This social reality is clearly reflected not only in general foreign policy relations but very precisely in votes at the United Nations – where there is frequently an alignment of China with the forces of the Global South against the forces of the Global North. Nevertheless, because it corresponds to the real interests of social forces the concept of a “common destiny of humanity” is also the best strategic guide to winning forces in the Global North.
The conclusion is therefore clear. The CPC’s analysis of a common future for humanity is an outstanding example of the creative development of Marxism – firmly rooted in fundamental Marxist concepts, and classical Chinese and Western thought, but developing this in striking new ways that directly relate to and reflect contemporary realities.
The statement by Xi Jinping that: “Our country will move closer to the center stage of the world and make a greater contribution to humanity” therefore has a precise meaning. It means that the CPC plays an increasing role not only in the fate of China but in the fate of humanity. The historically unparalleled achievements of the CPC in the domestic development of China, in the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, has now built China into a country playing an increasingly decisive role in the world.
In all very serious matters there is no virtue in exaggeration in any direction – no virtue in optimism, no virtue in pessimism, only a virtue in realism. The fate not only of China but in large part the fate of the world depends on the decisions which will be taken over the coming years by the CPC. The fortunate reality is that the CPC in the 100 years of history has shown that there is no political party in the world better equipped to undertake this task.
This is not an idealisation it is a sober political reality. It did not “descend from the skies” and it is not a “miracle”. It is a product of the stupendous historical struggle of the Chinese people. For over 180 years, since the beginning of foreign intervention in China with the first Opium War, the Chinese people had to fight for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. From 1839 to 1949 as a result of the direct and indirect effect of this foreign intervention, around 100 million Chinese people died – this is the largest struggle for national and human liberation in history. For the first 80 years of that struggle the Chinese people sought for but could not find a leading force that could deliver them from this struggle. In 1921, with the foundation of the CPC, the Chinese people did forge such a leadership. Now the CPC, founded 100 years ago by a handful of people, will play a decisive role in deciding not only the fate of China but the fate of the world. That is not an exaggeration, it is just a fact.
This article was originally published in Chinese.
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[i] Calculated from Maddison, A. (2010). Statistics on World Population, GDP and Per Capita GDP, 1-2008 AD . Retrieved January 23, 2011, http://www.ggdc.net/MADDISON/oriindex.htm
[ii] Xi, J. (2020). Carry Forward the Shanghai Spirit; Build a Community of Shared Future (10 Jun 2018). In J. Xi, The Governance of China (pp. 510-515). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
[iii] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 11:21:00 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[iv] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:29:16 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[v] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:22:46 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[vi] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:26:30 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[vii] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:42:42 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[viii] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:43:03 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[ix] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:59:31 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[x] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:43:03 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[xi] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 10:48:45 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[xii] Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1845). The German Ideology. In K. Marx, & F. Engels, Marx and Engels Collected Works (1976 ed., Vol. 5, pp. 19-539). London: Lawrence and Wishart P32 (Section ‘PRODUCTION AND INTERCOURSE. DIVISION OF LABOUR, AND FORMS OF PROPERTY—TRIBAL, ANCIENT, FEUDAL]
[xiii] Xi, J. (2016, 07 01). 建党95周年大会举行 习近平发表重要讲话. 11:20:29 Retrieved from guancha.cn: https://www.guancha.cn/politics/2016_07_01_366032_s.shtml
[xiv] Xi, J. (2014). The People’s Wish for a Good Life is Our Goal. 15 November 2012. In J. Xi, The Governance of China (Kindle Edition) (pp. Location 127-162). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
[xv] Xi, J. (2020). Meet the People’s Expectations for a Better Life (1 December 2017). In J. X, The Governance of China III (pp. 503-509). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
[xvi] McMaster, H. R., & Cohn, G. D. (2017, May 30). America First Doesn’t Mean America Alone. Retrieved June 4, 2017, from Wall Street Journal: https://www.wsj.com/articles/america-first-doesnt-mean-america-alone-1496187426
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