Marxism Archives - Friends of Socialist China

Interview: Fighting spirit has allowed the CPC to survive and adapt over a century

The following is the full text of an interview given by Carlos Martinez, co-editor of Friends of Socialist China, to the Global Times, marking the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC). An abridged version was published by the Global Times on 12 July 2026 as part of a special series of interviews with international scholars reflecting on the party’s century-long journey.

In the interview, conducted by GT reporter Xia Wenxin, Carlos explores the meaning of the CPC’s “fighting spirit”, or “spirit of struggle” – a concept he argues is routinely misread in the West as blind confrontation or factional intrigue, but which in fact flows directly from the dialectical core of Marxism. Struggle, in this sense, is not a mood but a method: the recognition that development happens through contradiction, and that a serious revolutionary party must identify the principal contradiction of each period and mobilise the masses to resolve it.

Tracing this thread from Mao Zedong’s 1945 parable of the Foolish Old Man who removed the mountains through to the present day, Carlos discusses how the same method has allowed the party to survive and adapt across a century that saw so many other revolutionary projects defeated. He examines the CPC’s practice of self-revolution and its unrelenting campaign against corruption; the targeted poverty alleviation drive that lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty; and the fundamental difference between the Chinese dialectical understanding of struggle as productive and the Western view of conflict as terminal.

Finally, he considers how this fighting spirit will be tested on the new battlefields of the 15th Five-Year Plan – high-tech self-reliance under conditions of US containment, the green transition, and the assorted domestic challenges on the road to the Second Centenary Goal of 2049. As he concludes, “on the record of the last 105 years, I would not bet against the CPC and the Chinese people surmounting these new challenges.”

CPC meets Spanish communists

On June 24, Ma Hui, Vice-minister of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee (IDCPC) met in Beijing with a visiting delegation headed by Jose Luis Centella, President of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE).

The Spanish comrades were visiting China to attend the 2026 Think Tank Forum on National Governance in Developing Countries.

Ma briefed the guests on Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, noting that it originates from the scientific theory of Marxism, takes root in the fine traditional Chinese culture, and has been nurtured by the great practice of exercising comprehensive and strict governance over the Party in the new era. It has made significant original contributions to the development of the Marxist theory of party building, he added.

Centella said that the Communist Party of Spain stands ready to learn from the CPC’s experience in party governance and discipline, further improve its own theoretical guidance of Marxism and ideological and organisational building, and better explore a development path suited to its national conditions.

What defines the CPC’s 105-year success? – a CGTN Dialogue

The following is a discussion from CGTN’s Dialogue programme marking the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. Broadcast in the wake of Xi Jinping’s anniversary speech – in which he hailed the Party’s 105-year history as the “most magnificent epic” of the Chinese nation – it brings together Xia Lu, associate professor at the School of CPC History and Party Building at Renmin University of China; Carlos Martinez, co-editor of Friends of Socialist China; and Radhika Desai, convenor of the International Manifesto Group.

The panel discusses how to evaluate the CPC’s achievements and governing logic; the role of Marxism – seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and the Party’s capacity for self-renewal – in explaining its longevity and legitimacy; and the distinctiveness of Chinese modernisation. Radhika Desai argues that the Chinese revolution, following the Bolshevik revolution, set humanity on a path to socialism, and that amid a declining capitalism China has become an “ocean of stability”. Carlos Martinez stresses that China’s is a modernisation achieved without colonialism, slavery or war – shattering the Eurocentric assumption that to modernise is to Westernise. Xia Lu reads the Party’s six outstanding qualities through the lens of dialectical and historical materialism, and emphasises the mass line and the Party’s vigilance against detachment from the people.

Carlos Martinez: What would Rajani Palme Dutt have made of contemporary China?

The following is the text of a lecture delivered by Carlos Martinez, author of The East is Still Red: Chinese Socialism in the 21st Century and a co-editor of Friends of Socialist China, marking the 130th anniversary of the birth of Rajani Palme Dutt – theoretician, organiser and, for half a century, one of the foremost Marxist minds in the British movement.

Taking as its starting point Palme Dutt’s 1967 pamphlet Whither China?, written at the height of the Sino-Soviet split and a year into the Cultural Revolution, the lecture asks what this towering figure of British Marxism – who died in 1974 – would have made of the People’s Republic today. Carlos tests Palme Dutt’s critique against the verdict of history: on the Cultural Revolution, on the Theory of the Three Worlds, and on the rival conceptions of peaceful coexistence – finding some of it vindicated, and some of it a product of a European Marxism that struggled to fully grasp a peasant-driven revolution.

Confronted with two stubborn facts – that the People’s Republic still exists while the Soviet Union does not – Palme Dutt, who even in 1967 refused to write China out of the socialist camp, would, Carlos argues, have recognised China as the largest and most developed socialist society in history. He would have recognised that in China it is the state that disciplines capital, not the other way round. The lecture closes with a call to carry forward Palme Dutt’s enduring principle: solidarity with a socialist country under imperialist siege, “irrespective of any differences”.

105 years of the Communist Party of China – true to its principles, firm in its course

The 1st of July 2026, marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. To mark the occasion, we are pleased to publish this reflection by Oliver Vargas, a British-Bolivian current affairs commentator working for CGTN in Beijing, written from Yan’an – the revolutionary base where the Long March ended and where the Party made its headquarters through the most decisive years of war and revolution.

Vargas argues that the revolutionary sites of Yan’an are best understood as global heritage sites of the international workers’ movement, whose lessons belong to the peoples of Latin America and the wider Global South. He locates the secret of the Party’s enduring vitality in its tradition of rigorous self-governance and self-reform – a habit written into its DNA since 1921 and raised by Xi Jinping into a systematic doctrine – bound together with its unbroken bond with the people.

China’s success vindicates the project of the global left

The video below is an interview of Carlos Martinez by Jason Smith, for CGTN’s The Bridge to China podcast. Recorded in the lead-up to the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, the wide-ranging conversation covers the nature of China’s economic system, the achievements of Chinese socialism, the state of the left in the West, and the transition to a multipolar world.

Carlos argues that China is best understood on its own terms, as socialism with Chinese characteristics: a fundamentally socialist system with a significant market component, in which the state holds the commanding heights – banking, energy, telecommunications, rail and the top levels of industry – and directs investment through national planning. The presence of markets, billionaires or inequality does not make a country capitalist; what matters is which class holds power, and the ultimate measure is the living standards of ordinary working people.

On that measure, China stands apart: it is the country that has eliminated extreme poverty, effectively ended homelessness, and pursued common prosperity, a world-leading renewable energy build-out and the saving of lives during the Covid pandemic. If China is socialist and succeeding, Carlos contends, that vindicates the project of the global left – which is precisely why the West’s new cold war is aimed at preventing a socialist alternative from succeeding.

The interview surveys the scale of China’s transformation – some 800 million people lifted out of poverty, the “seven guarantees” that underpin poverty alleviation, life expectancy rising from around 35 at liberation to over 79 today, near-universal mortgage-free home ownership, and the most extensive public infrastructure in the world. Comparing China with India – liberated within two years of one another, from similar starting points – Carlos draws out what a revolution and Communist Party-led planning have made possible: sovereign development free of IMF discipline, coherent five-year plans, and the capacity for mass mobilisation, exemplified by the three million cadres deployed in the poverty alleviation campaign.

Turning to the West, Carlos describes the long retreat of the left under the neoliberal counter-revolution – de-industrialisation, the rise of the precariat, and a social peace bought with the super-profits of imperialism that are now drying up. He points to the crisis of confidence deepened by Gaza and to the Corbyn moment as signs that material reality is shifting, and to a growing openness to China – from “Chinamaxxing” and the RedNote migration to the surge in inbound tourism. The dogmatism that still leads much of the Western left to withhold recognition of China’s decidedly socialist achievements, he argues, plays into a US grand strategy whose core is the encirclement and containment of China.

The lesson for developed and developing countries alike, Carlos concludes, is that public ownership is not inefficient but the precondition for any serious industrial policy, that long-term planning beats short-term shareholder value, and that the West must come to terms with an inevitably multipolar world – starting, at a minimum, with adherence to the United Nations Charter.

Storming the heavens – a master class in revolution

The following is a series of five articles, originally published in the Morning Star, and written by Jenny Clegg to introduce her recently published book, ‘Storming the Heavens: Peasants and Revolution in China, 1925-1949 Viewed Through a Marxist Lens’.

Introducing the key themes of the book, which began life as her PhD thesis some decades previously, Jenny notes that: “The first step was to establish the condition of the peasants and the nature of their exploitation so as to identify their revolutionary character. This meant challenging the Western misconception of China as a society of owner-cultivators, farming small parcels of land. In the absence of the large landed estates of European feudalism, it was assumed that traditional China had a peculiar Oriental or Asiatic structure under a centralised bureaucratic state.

“Chinese Marxists, Chen Boda and Chen Hanseng, however, both put the landlord system at the centre as the determining factor in China’s economic stagnation and the peasants’ acute impoverishment. Whilst Chen Hanseng’s focus was on the fusion of the political and economic power of the landlords at the base of society, highlighting the grassroots nature of a revolutionary transformation, Chen Boda’s analysis of monopoly rent highlighted the concentration of land in the hands of a minority, the landlords and rich peasants, with the increasing dispossession and land hunger of the majority of rural households. In so doing, he identified the main force for revolution as the poor and middle peasant majority.”

She goes on to argue that the key question was therefore, given the small size of China’s working class, how was the Communist Party of China (CPC), as a proletarian party, able to lead the revolution?

Here she sees her argument as confronting the misconceptions of both Stalin and Trotsky who interpreted China’s peasant struggle along the lines of the Russian and European model where a rural bourgeoisie and proletariat emerged to challenge feudal power, when rather, as shown by Chen Boda, it was land hunger — subsistence — that drove the rural majority to revolution.

In her second article, Jenny tackles the inter-related questions of was China feudal and what made the peasants revolutionary.

Having noted the work of contemporary Western scholars such as RH Tawney, who saw a way out through reforms, she argues:

“To support the argument of revolution over reform, it was first necessary to establish the centrality of the landlord-peasant relationship with feudal relations as the major constraint of growth. This would then demonstrate the centrality of the peasant movement as the main force in China’s democratic revolution, in a grassroots transformation of Chinese society through radical land reform to completely eradicate feudal relations.

“The problem of the reform approach lies in the failure to identity those power structures and interests hostile to its agenda for change and at the same time to find allies capable of driving reforms forward.”

Jenny further tackles the twin issues of why was capitalism unable to develop in China as it had in Europe and why did peasant rebellions tend to end in failure:

“The answer lies in the way Chinese feudalism was shaped by Asiatic characteristics: while landlords served as mediators between the centralised bureaucratic state and the patriarchal villages, these features served equally to maintain their privileged position from above and below…

“In China then, unlike Europe, where commerce confronted landed interests from the cities, economic power accumulated in the hands of a trinity of urban-based landlord-merchant-officials and the development of market relations instead of releasing peasant independence led to increasing rural impoverishment. A parasitic relationship between town and country suffocated the ‘sprouts of capitalism’ ensnaring a potentially entrepreneurial rich peasantry in feudal relations.

“Imperialism accelerated commercialisation but this only strengthened the landlord economy, while in turn the imperialist powers, to secure the drain of the surplus to the world capitalist core, depended on the landlords both to extract the surplus by extra-economic means and to control the countryside.”

Through trial and error, she concludes, “the CPC came to grasp [that] the forces of revolutionary change were not a rising petty bourgeoise but the impoverished mass of poor and middle peasants, more interested in the confiscation of landlords’ land to meet their needs than in the preservation of private property.”

In her third article, Jenny looks at debates on the role of peasants in revolution starting with Russian revolutionary leader VI Lenin.

She explains that Lenin saw the peasants, as a whole, as a force against landlordism but with the bourgeoisie and proletariat struggling for leadership of the movement. The role of the vanguard proletarian party was then to mobilise the poor peasants so as to pave the way to socialism. For the neo-narodniks on the other hand it was the traditional village organisation, the mir, that provided the basis for a Russian-style socialism, and continues:

“In China, the question of how to build a Communist Party in a country predominantly of peasants with a weak working-class base, is clearly a challenging one to answer. Was Mao just a peasant leader, and the CPC a populist party which rode to power on a wave of peasant unrest, as many in the West, both Sinologists and Marxists, have argued?”

On the contrary: “Mao, following Lenin, was to argue in his early ‘Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society’ (1926) that the peasants were the largest ally of the proletariat. Observing the peasants organising in Hunan just months later, he was the first to grasp the significance of peasant power: although at first their demands for rent reductions were not that radical, he saw, as they paraded the landlords up and down in dunces’ caps, a bold challenge to the authority of landlord power.”

Chinese and Cuban communists hold joint theoretical seminar

The Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) held their seventh theory seminar on December 4 in Beijing, focusing on the practice and experience in promoting socialist modernisation through scientific development planning.

Li Shulei, a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and head of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, and Gladys Martínez Verdecia, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the PCC and First Secretary of the Artemisa Provincial Party Committee, attended and delivered keynote speeches.

Li noted that this year marks the 65th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Cuba, and that the top leaders of the two parties and countries have exchanged congratulatory messages on this occasion and held two meetings this year, engaging in in-depth discussions on the relations between the two parties and countries.

“These interactions have provided strategic guidance for further strengthening the ironclad friendship and building an even closer China-Cuba community with a shared future.”

He also stressed the need to develop medium- and long-term strategic plans for socio-economic development. In this regard, he explained China’s experience in drawing up five-year plans, which, he said, have a broad basis of scientific development planning.

Gladys Martínez highlighted the role of these exchanges as a mechanism to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the construction of a community of shared future. She pointed out that the meetings allow participants to address, from a Marxist approach, the current challenges of socialism and propose concrete solutions. She further affirmed that the alliance between the two countries reinforces the validity of socialism as a model of development for both peoples.

Martínez denounced the unprecedented tightening of the US economic, commercial and financial blockade against Cuba, as well as the arbitrary inclusion of the island in the list of countries sponsoring terrorism. In this regard, she thanked China for its constant denunciation of this siege and expressed the island’s gratitude for the support of the Chinese government and people in key sectors such as agri-food, energy and cybersecurity. She further pointed out that both parties constitute an example of solidarity and cooperation in the construction of socialism.

The Cuban delegation began its China visit in the province of Hunan, whose collaboration with the province of Artemisa is emerging as a positive reference for local ties between Cuba and China, with concrete results in agriculture, trade and economic development.

Whilst in Hunan, the Cuban delegation paid tribute to the historical leader of the Chinese Revolution, Mao Zedong, at the monumental complex there in his honour. Martínez said that Cuba welcomes the idea of establishing a twinning agreement between Hunan and Holguín. These regions, which are the birthplaces of the historical leaders of both socialist revolutions, Fidel Castro and Mao Zedong, have potential for collaboration in tourism and mining.

This seminar is the third one of its kind recently held between the CPC and its fellow ruling communist parties in the socialist countries, following those with the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party and the Communist Party of Vietnam.

Also, on December 4, Liu Haixing, Minister of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee (IDCPC), met with Emilio Lozada García, Head of the International Relations Department of the PCC, who was in China to participate in the seminar.

Liu said, under the strategic guidance of General Secretary Xi Jinping and First Secretary Miguel Diaz-Canel, the special friendly relations between China and Cuba have maintained high-level operation with continuously enriched significance. The two Parties and countries have always supported and helped each other. Regardless of the changes in the international situation, China’s commitment to the long-term friendship with Cuba will not change, its determination to support Cuba’s socialist path will not change, its direction in promoting pragmatic cooperation with Cuba will not change, and its will to defend international fairness and justice and oppose hegemony and power politics together with Cuba will not change.

Emilio Lozada García said, Cuba thanks China for the long-term and valuable support, and appreciates China’s consistent opposition to the US blockade and sanctions against Cuba. The relationship between the two Parties is the cornerstone of Cuba-China relationship. The PCC is willing to strengthen exchanges with the CPC at all levels and in all fields, advance the exchanges between the two Parties in a more systematic and institutionalised manner, and strengthen coordination on international affairs, so as to make due contributions to the development of both countries and to the building of a Cuba-China community with a shared future.

Some observations on our work to study and apply Xi Jinping Thought in an imperialist country

The International Forum of Overseas Studies on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was held in Beijing, November 12-13.

Hosted by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), it was organised by the Research Centre for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the Academy of Marxism (both affiliates of CASS), along with the World Association for China Studies.

Delegates from across China were joined by former government ministers, communist party leaders, scholars and others from numerous countries including:

Vietnam, Cambodia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Türkiye;
South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana, and Burundi;
Argentina, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Mexico, and Venezuela; and
Russia, Belarus, Serbia, Italy, Spain, Britain, Montenegro, Poland, North Macedonia, Ireland, France, Hungary, and Greece.

Former President of Costa Rica José María Figueres addressed the conference by video.

Friends of Socialist China co-editor Keith Bennett presented a paper, highlighting some of our observations to date on studying and applying Xi Jinping Thought in an imperialist country. The following is the text of his presentation.

I am very pleased to be able to take part in this important international forum of overseas studies on Xi Jinping’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and thank the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences for their kind invitation.

The basic principles of Marxism-Leninism are universally applicable, as Mao Zedong pointed out long ago. However, they must be applied and developed according to the concrete reality of each country, people, society and nation. Moreover, as Xi Jinping has pointed out, if Marxism is to truly grip the hearts of the masses and become a material force, it also needs to be integrated and combined with a people’s fine traditional culture and civilisational inheritance.

Marxism is international in its relevance, scope and sweep but it is national in its application and development. It is by no means coincidental that the five socialist countries that survived the counter-revolutionary tsunami of 1989-1991 have all not merely inherited Marxism-Leninism as it is but have creatively applied and developed it by integrating it with their indigenous revolutionary traditions and the thoughts of their own revolutionary leaders.

Moreover, life is constantly evolving, developing and changing, so Marxism also cannot stand still. If it did so, it would become ossified, dogmatic and irrelevant. Indeed, it would cease to be Marxism. Only by changing and developing in accordance with the needs and trends of the times can it remain true to its original mission and retain its relevance and scientific veracity. Based as it is on dialectical and historical materialism, Marxism itself needs to be in the vanguard not the rearguard of change and development.

Lao and Chinese communists discuss theory

The Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) held their 13^th Theoretical Seminar, November 10-11, in the Lao province of Champassak. The Chinese delegation was headed by Li Shulei, Member of the Political Bureau, Secretary of the Secretariat, and Head of the CPC Central Committee’s Publicity Department.

Thongloun Sisoulith, LPRP General Secretary and President of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, met with Li on November 11, on the conclusion of the seminar.

President Thongloun warmly welcomed the delegation, noting that the visit represented a meaningful contribution to strengthening the traditional friendship and comprehensive strategic partnership between the two Parties and nations. He emphasised that the visit exemplified the “Four Good” principles of Laos-China relations – good neighbours, good friends, good comrades, and good partners.

The President underscored the importance of the 13th Theoretical Seminar as a significant platform for sharing experiences in Party building, state governance, and national administration. He highlighted that the seminar’s theme was particularly relevant as both Parties are preparing their new five-year socio-economic development plans aimed at advancing socialist development in each country.

For his part, Li Shulei expressed his gratitude for the warm reception and extended congratulations to Laos on the forthcoming 50th anniversary of the founding of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. He also conveyed his best wishes for the success of the 12th National Congress of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, scheduled for early 2026. He further commended the recent meeting between President Thongloun and President Xi Jinping in Beijing in September 2025, describing it as substantive and forward-looking.

Following his visit to Laos, Li Shulei continued to Vietnam, where he attended the 20th theory seminar between the CPC and the Communist Party of Vietnam.

The following article was originally published by the KPL Lao News Agency. A report was also carried by the Xinhua News Agency.

State President and Party General Secretary Thongloun Sisoulith received a senior delegation from the Communist Party of China (CPC) led by Mr. Li Shulei, Member of the Political Bureau, Secretary of the Secretariat, and Head of the CPC Central Committee’s Publicity Department.

The meeting took place on 11 November 2025 at the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) Central Office in Vientiane. The Chinese delegation visited Laos to attend the 13th Lao–Chinese Theoretical Seminar, held from 10 to 11 November in Champassak Province.

President Thongloun warmly welcomed the delegation, noting that the visit represented a meaningful contribution to strengthening the traditional friendship and comprehensive strategic partnership between the two Parties and nations. He emphasized that the visit exemplified the “Four Good” principles of Laos–China relations — good neighbours, good friends, good comrades, and good partners.

He also commended the close cooperation between the Central Publicity and Training Boards of the two Parties and encouraged both sides to continue enhancing collaboration and information exchange.

For his part, Mr. Li Shulei expressed his gratitude for the warm reception and extended congratulations to Laos on the forthcoming 50th anniversary of the founding of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. He also conveyed his best wishes for the success of the 12th National Congress of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, scheduled for early 2026.

Mr. Li commended the recent meeting between President Thongloun and President Xi Jinping in Beijing in September 2025, describing it as substantive and forward-looking. He noted that the outcomes of the meeting would provide further guidance for strengthening cooperation between the two Parties and countries.

He expressed confidence that, under the leadership of both Parties, China–Laos relations will continue to deepen, becoming more effective and comprehensive in the years to come.

Chinese and Vietnamese communists discuss the path and practice of socialism in the 21st century

The Communist Parties of China and Vietnam held their 20th theory seminar in Vietnam’s northern Ninh Binh province on November 12 under the theme, “The path and practice of socialism in the 21st century.”

Both parties were represented at Politburo level. The Communist Party of China (CPC) delegation was headed by Li Shulei, Politburo member, Secretary of the CPC Central Committee’s Secretariat, and head of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, while the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) delegation was led by Nguyen Xuan Thang, Politburo member, Chairman of the Central Theory Council, and President of the Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics. Attending the seminar were representatives of ministries, central agencies, and localities, along with scientists, experts, and scholars from both countries, as well as the Chinese Ambassador to Vietnam.

CPC General Secretary Xi Jinping and CPV General Secretary To Lam both sent congratulatory letters to the seminar.

In the letters, the two leaders affirmed the important role of this highest-level theory exchange mechanism between the two Parties, reflecting their strategic vision, close bond, and shared responsibility in safeguarding, applying, and creatively developing Marxism-Leninism in accordance with each country’s realities, as well as demonstrating the high level of political trust between the two Parties and nations.

Xi Jinping said that both the CPC and the CPV uphold and develop Marxism, unswervingly follow the socialist path, and lead their respective countries in socialist construction, facing many of the same or similar issues of the times.

The two parties have carried out in-depth exchanges of experience in governance, jointly explored a socialist modernisation path that suits their national conditions, and worked together to promote the localisation and modernisation of Marxism and the development of the world socialist movement, constantly writing a new chapter of friendship of “comrades plus brothers” in the new era.

He also called for joint efforts to deepen theoretical discussions and academic exchanges, and to jointly enhance their understanding of the laws that underlie governance by a Communist party, socialist construction, as well as the development of human society, so as to provide theoretical support for the socialist cause of both countries and the construction of the China-Vietnam community with a shared future, and contribute to the noble cause of human peace and development.

To Lam affirmed that the CPV stands ready to work with the CPC to further deepen theory cooperation and share experiences in Party building, national development, and social governance, thereby promoting the development of socialist theory in the context of globalisation and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, for the benefit of the peoples of both countries and for a brighter future for socialism worldwide.

At a meeting between the two heads of delegations, the host congratulated China on its recent achievements, including the successful convening of the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee and the adoption of the orientation for formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan. He reaffirmed that Vietnam always attaches great importance and gives top priority to relations with China.

Li affirmed that the CPC firmly believes in and supports the CPV in successfully organising its 14th National Congress, opening a new era of development for Vietnam. He added that China always prioritises the development of relations with Viet Nam in its neighbourhood diplomacy.

Free Mumia Campaign discusses China and the international anti-imperialist struggle

On Sunday October 19 the Free Mumia Abu Jamal Campaign UK organised a discussion meeting on the theme of China and the international anti-imperialist struggle at International House in Brixton, south London.

Chaired by Sarah Mudd and introduced by Wilf Dixon of the Free Mumia Campaign, the meeting heard three presentations expressing differing views within a common overall anti-imperialist perspective:

Our Co-editor Keith Bennett spoke on ‘China and the global struggle against imperialism today’;
Cecil Gutzmore, Chair of the Free Mumia Campaign and veteran revolutionary Pan-Africanist, spoke on ‘Judeo-Christendom’s racism and the global anti-China movement’; and
Andy Higginbottom, former Assistant Professor at Kingston University, London, and a long-standing anti-imperialist activist and Marxist scholar, spoke on ‘Neo-colonialism still matters – Militarisation and Imperial Grand Strategy (US v. China)’.

The presentations were followed by a lively discussion and informal networking. We embed below a video of the three speeches, followed by the text of Keith Bennett’s presentation.

I’d like to thank the Free Mumia Abu Jamal Campaign UK for their initiative in organising this discussion on China and the international anti-imperialist struggle and for inviting me to speak.

Some might ask why a campaign such as yours might wish to address such a topic. But such a view could be said to not fully take account of why you have – correctly in my view – placed such importance on Mumia’s case and on the necessity to win the freedom of this revolutionary fighter who has endured some 43 years of incarceration in the hell hole conditions of the US prison system without losing his revolutionary faith and will or his original aspiration.

Whether before or throughout his long imprisonment, Mumia’s writings have expressed unwavering solidarity with the struggles of peoples throughout the world against imperialism. In his early teens, he joined the Black Panther Party. Many things distinguished the Panthers, of course – from armed self-defence to free breakfast programs for children to clinics to treat sickle cell anaemia. But equally distinctive was the strong solidarity the party expressed, and the inspiration it drew from, the Asian socialist countries – from China, Vietnam and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). From their long-standing, protracted struggles against imperialism. And from their revolutionary standpoint and their creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism from the standpoint of the oppressed.

The long march through the primary stage of socialism

The following is the text of a speech given by Eben Dombay Williams, YCL Education Officer, at our second annual Socialist China Conference, held on Saturday, September 27.

Eben’s speech is based primarily on a text he has been translating, written by an academic at a Chinese Marxist Institute in Shanghai, analysing the theoretical aspects of what is known in China as the primary stage of socialism. The article observes that socialism in China did not emerge from fully developed capitalism, as envisioned by Marx and Engels, but from a revolutionary leap over the “Caudine Forks” of capitalism. Because of China’s relatively undeveloped productive forces at the time of revolution, it must spend an extended historical period completing the modernisation tasks that capitalism would otherwise have accomplished.

The “primary stage” theory, formally defined at the CPC’s 13th National Congress, recognises that class struggle persists but does not constitute the principal contradiction in society. Currently, “the primary task is to energetically expand the commodity economy, raise labour productivity and gradually achieve modernisation of industry, agriculture, national defence, science and technology”.

The text notes that, in the first decades of Reform and opening up, a level of ideological confusion crept in. “Some of the differences between socialism and capitalism were to a certain extent concealed under the banner of ‘modernisation,’ and a series of problems and phenomena that were clearly contrary to socialist principles emerged in society. But since the new era, the Central Committee of the CPC with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has always emphasised the socialist nature of the Chinese road, continuing to follow the basic principles and core values of socialism in drawing up the strategy for China’s modernisation drive and always inserting socialist elements into this modernisation, leading the way to building a great modern socialist country in all respects and striving to promote an organic unity between socialism and modernisation.”

As it moves towards basic completion of the task of socialist modernisation by the middle of this century, China is breaking new ground in the development of Marxism. “The implications … are not only to provide another option for the path to modernisation for the vast number of developing countries, including other socialist countries, but also to present a new solution to the problems of modernity for the developed capitalist countries, that is, the socialist road out.”

The video of the speech is embedded below the text.

I’d first like to give a massive thank-you to Carlos, Keith and the whole team at Friends of Socialist China. It’s so encouraging to see that following on from the successful 75th anniversary celebrations last year, this has now become an annual conference. It’s no small feat to bring multiple socialist and communist organisations on the left together under one roof, but it’s so important that we reject petty sectarianism and unite to build an anti-imperialist united front in the face of attacks on socialist China and the multipolar world. Of course, solidarity with George Galloway and his wife Gayatri on their shameful detention.

In my day job, I work as a Chinese to English translator and it just so happened that when I was invited to speak on the subject of socialist construction in China, I was in the middle of translating an important text written by an academic at a Chinese Marxist Institute in Shanghai. This text focuses on the theoretical aspects of what the CPC has termed the “primary stage of socialism” and will hopefully be appearing in a future edition of Iskra Books’ theoretical journal, Peace, Land, and Bread next year. I wanted to share a small extract of the text because I found it very interesting and relevant:

Theoretically speaking, socialism is not being constructed in China on the exact same basis envisioned by Marx and Engels and fully expanded upon in Capital. Instead, it has been reached directly under conditions where capitalism has not fully developed, where political power was seized through revolution at the appropriate historical moment, and where the “Caudine Forks” of the capitalist system was leaped across,” with “Caudine Forks” being the term Marx used in his prophetic wisdom to describe the problem of a potential, future socialist society attempting to skip over the capitalist stage after a successful proletarian revolution.

China’s progress proves socialism is the only viable framework for saving the planet

The following is the text of a presentation given by Carlos Martinez to the Fourth World Congress on Marxism, which took place on 11-12 October 2025 at Peking University (PKU), China, organised by PKU’s School of Marxism.

The presentation gives an overview of the progress made by China in recent years with regard to clean energy, and poses the question: why is it China, rather than the advanced capitalist countries, that has emerged as the world’s only ‘green superpower’? Carlos argues that the fundamental reason lies in China’s economy being “structured in such a way that political and economic priorities are determined not by capital’s drive for constant expansion but by the needs and aspirations of the people.”

On the other hand, “the balance of power in capitalist countries is such that even relatively progressive governments find it very difficult to prioritise long-term needs of the population over short-term interests of capital.”

Carlos notes that, as a result of its systematic investment in renewable energy, electric vehicles, transmission systems, batteries and more, China has become the first country to meaningfully break the link between economic development and greenhouse gas emissions. “While governments in the West justify inaction on climate on the basis that it would harm economic growth, China is the first country to make the green transition a powerful driver of economic growth, thereby addressing both the immediate needs of the Chinese people for modernisation and the long-term needs of humanity for a habitable planet.”

China’s progress is set to have a profound global impact. As a result of Chinese innovations and economies of scales, there has been a global reduction in costs, such that for much of the world, solar and wind power are now more cost effective than fossil fuels.

And for those of us in the advanced capitalist countries, where political power is dominated by a decaying bourgeoisie, China’s example can be used to help create mass pressure to stop our governments and ruling classes from destroying the planet, and to encourage sensible cooperation with China on environmental issues.

The Congress featured an impressive array of Marxist academics and authors, including Gong Qihuang, President of Peking University; Li Yi, Vice President of the Party School of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (National Academy of Governance); John Bellamy Foster, Editor-in-Chief of Monthly Review; Cheng Enfu, Professor, School of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Radhika Desai, Professor, University of Manitoba; Roland Boer, Professor, Renmin University of China; Pham Van Duc, Professor, Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences; and Gabriel Rockhill, Professor, Villanova University. The Congress has been reported on CGTN, including brief video interviews with Carlos Martinez and Radhika Desai.

We will never again seek economic growth at the cost of the environment. (Xi Jinping)

There is a prevailing prejudice in the West that China is a climate criminal – the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and a country that continues to build coal-fired power stations. This connects to a wider perception of socialist governance as being antithetical to environmental protection.

And yet China’s remarkable progress over the last two decades in tackling pollution, protecting biodiversity and developing clean energy is causing this narrative to fall apart.

China has recently passed a historic milestone in its energy transition: cumulative installed solar capacity has exceeded 1 terawatt, representing 45 percent of the global total and far outstripping the United States and European Union.

At the United Nations climate summit in September, President Xi Jinping announced that China was committing to cut carbon dioxide and other pollution by at least 7 to 10 percent by 2035 – the first time that China has set a concrete target for reducing emissions as part of its Nationally Determined Contributions under the Paris Agreement.

Credible evidence suggests that China’s greenhouse gas emissions have already peaked, five years earlier than promised.

Since 2013, China’s solar installed capacity has increased by a factor of 180, while wind power capacity has grown sixfold.

China dominates the global green technology supply chain, producing the overwhelming majority of solar modules, wafers, and battery components.

The Seventh Comintern Congress and China’s Anti-Japanese United Front

In the following article, Salvatore Tinè makes a comparative analysis of the theory of the popular front against fascism, advanced by the Bulgarian communist Georgi Dimitrov at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1935, and China’s united front against Japanese aggression developed principally by Mao Zedong.

Arguing for a linkage between the two, he explains that this strategy laid the foundation for a new understanding of the nexus between the struggle for democracy and the struggle for socialism, as well as that between the struggle against capitalism and the struggle against imperialism on the part of colonial and semi-colonial nations. It is Mao Zedong, with his theory of new democracy, who develops in the most organic, and also most original way, the united front strategy by adapting it to the special conditions of a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country like China. This new democracy, the state form of the joint dictatorship of all the anti-imperialist classes united in the anti-Japanese united front, corresponds to the bourgeois democratic stage of the Chinese revolution, distinct from but at the same time organically connected to the proletarian socialist revolution. It is a resumption of the united front tactic that had already characterised the Chinese revolution in the years 1924-1927, but on a much broader mass basis and under social and political conditions much more conducive to the development of the alliance among all anti-imperialist classes, not least, as Dimitrov argued in his report due to, “the creation of Soviet territories in a considerable part of the country and the organisation of a powerful Red Army… Only the Chinese Soviets can act as the unifying centre of the struggle against the subjugation and partition of China by the imperialists, as the centre that rallies all anti-imperialist forces for the national struggle of the Chinese people.”

The Chinese communists’ brilliant theoretical and strategic elaboration has acquired universal value and meaning – both within the international communist movement and in the broader global struggle against capitalism and imperialism.

Salvatore Tinè is a Researcher in Modern History at the Department of Humanities of the University of Catania, in Sicily, Italy. The article is the text of a paper he presented at two international symposia held in Beijing in early September marking the 80th anniversary of victory in the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War.

The Chinese Communist Party’s adoption of the anti-Japanese united front strategy is closely connected to the development, in the mid-1930s, of the Communist International’s (Comintern’s) policy aimed at creating broad anti-fascist popular fronts in the more advanced capitalist countries. The link between the formation of a new anti-imperialist united front in China and the policy of anti-fascist unity in action in the European communist movement lies primarily in the fact that the revolutionary struggle of the international proletariat had, by then, assumed a genuinely global dimension, no longer merely Eurocentric. This was due to the rapid development of anti-colonial and national revolutions in Asia—particularly in China.

In his landmark report to the 7th Congress of the Comintern, Georgi Dimitrov emphasised that the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat against the offensive of capital and the threat of war was unfolding within the broader framework of “international unity in action,” that is, a “world anti-imperialist front” made up of oppressed nationalities in colonies and semi-colonies fighting for national liberation. Not by chance, in the same report, the Bulgarian leader underlined that “in light of changes in both the domestic and international situation, in all colonial and semi-colonial countries, the issue of the anti-imperialist united front assumes exceptional importance.” Dimitrov praised the initiative of the Chinese communists to establish a broad national front against Japanese imperialism, founded on a solid and united popular and mass base, both politically and militarily.

Xi Jinping’s Governance of China illuminating the path ahead

In the following article, which was originally published by China Today, our co-editor Keith Bennett welcomes the publication of the English language edition of the fifth volume of Xi Jinping’s ‘Governance of China’, noting:

“Through the writings and speeches of President Xi one can gain a better understanding of China – where it is going and how it approaches the great issues facing humanity. This is related to the fact that, under Xi’s leadership, China is returning to the centre of the global stage. But it does so, not as an aspiring new hegemon, and not following the old path of colonialism and hegemonism, which have caused, and continue to cause, so much bloodshed and suffering, but rather from a new and visionary paradigm.”

Keith briefly outlines the lineage of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, through the internationalist rallying cry of Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto, Lenin’s elevation of the oppressed peoples to stand alongside the working class in the world revolutionary process, and Zhou Enlai’s elaboration of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, through to today’s collective rise of the Global South, with Socialist China in the vanguard.

Xi Jinping’s concept of a community of shared future for humanity can be embraced and welcomed by the great majority of humanity.

Like many people around the world, be they China scholars, friends of China or students of Marxism, I have been looking forward to the publication of the fifth volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China and was very pleased to hear that it is now available.

The eagerness and interest with which this latest volume has been awaited and will be received reflects a number of things. Through the writings and speeches of President Xi Jinping one can gain a better understanding of China – where it is going and how it approaches the great issues facing humanity. This is related to the fact that, under Xi’s leadership, China is returning to the center of the global stage. But it does so, not as an aspiring new hegemon, and not following the old path of colonialism and hegemonism, which have caused, and continue to cause, so much bloodshed and suffering, but rather from a new and visionary paradigm.

Xi’s grand vision of a community with a shared future for humanity is welcomed by a majority of the world’s nations, particularly the Global South family, who have suffered for centuries under the iron heel of the Global North. Xi’s vision is welcomed precisely because it accords with the interests and needs of the people of every country.

As far back as 1848, German philosophers and revolutionary socialists Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895), co-authors of The Communist Manifesto, wrote that, “In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they [the communists] point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.”

As the foremost proponent of Marxism for the 21st century, Xi has inherited, applied and developed this principle elaborated by Marx and Engels.

Historically, this development has passed through a number of distinct phases. Taking into account the fact that imperialism had completed the colonial division of the world, and that the modern national liberation movement was coming into being as the most powerful ally of the working class on a world scale, Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924) – founder of the Russian Communist Party – updated the slogan of “workers of the world unite” to also embrace the oppressed peoples. At the same time, faced with the fact that the Soviet Union was likely to remain the world’s sole socialist country, at least for a time, he advanced the concept of peaceful coexistence as an important component of the foreign policy to be pursued by a socialist state. Later, Zhou Enlai (1898-1976), then Chinese premier, in turn, faced with the fact that states with different social systems would continue to exist for a long historical period, raised peaceful coexistence from a policy to the level of theory, encapsulated and summed up in his famous Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.

Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy inherits and builds on this entire legacy. If, 70-plus years ago, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence gave the socialist countries, and the newly independent countries just embarking on the road of building a new society, freedom to breathe and room to maneuver, today we face a qualitatively different situation.

As a key component of the changes unseen in a century, we now see the collective rise of the great mass of developing countries, which today we generally refer to as the Global South, with socialist China as the vanguard, an indispensable nation steadily advancing to the center of the world stage.

This therefore places the question of what kind of world should we build and how should we build it, not simply as a task on the agenda but rather as a task taken up for solution, and so this is precisely a key question to which Xi Jinping Thought addresses itself.

Around the time I first visited China, back in 1981, and prior to that, practically the first sight that people encountered as they entered the mainland from Hong Kong was the huge banner reading, “Long live the great unity of the peoples of the world!”

And just as Marx and Engels wrote about the “common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality,” for his part, Confucius (551 BC- 479 BC) famously advocated the great harmony of all under heaven.

It is by embodying these precepts of both scientific socialism and fine traditional Chinese culture and civilization, and proceeding from the theory of “adapting the basic tenets of Marxism to China’s realities and to its traditional culture”, that Xi has defined the strategic goal, the task taken up for solution, as the building of a community with a shared future for humanity.

Of course, some might say that this is just a phrase. And in the mouths of many politicians around the world that would most likely be the case. But in Xi’s case it represents the summation and acme of a whole body of continually developing theories and practices. In particular, it is the cumulative product of a whole series of initiatives, starting with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and proceeding through a series of global initiatives on development, security and civilization. Together, these represent the building blocks of global peace, common prosperity, mutual respect and harmony, which, in turn, are the prerequisites for a sustainable community of shared future.

Xi is also clear that this cannot be realized solely through relations among states but rather must also embrace people-to-people diplomacy. In fact, he has gone so far as to stress that relations between peoples are the foundation and bedrock of good state-to-state relations. In this he inherits and builds on Mao Zedong’s conclusion that, “The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.” That is why Xi gives so much attention to people-to-people diplomacy, meeting people on his travels, keeping in contact with old friends even after decades, writing personal letters, and never forgetting China’s old friends and their family members and descendants.

Today, humanity has long since passed the point where its fundamental problems can be contained or resolved within national borders. Not all progressive people in the West realize it yet, but the issue is no longer whether one is for or against globalization, but whether to continue to go down the road of a globalization where the rich continue to get richer and the poor continue to get poorer on a global scale, as practiced by the ruling circles in advanced capitalist countries, or whether to pursue an equitable and inclusive globalization as championed by China. Likewise, the existential threats facing humanity, whether they be from the looming threat of climate catastrophe, the danger of nuclear war or of zoonotic pandemics, all show that a community with a shared future for humanity is a worthy goal, one that can be embraced and welcomed by the great majority of humanity. But even more fundamentally, it is increasingly becoming the very prerequisite for the continuation of human civilization and indeed survival, and most likely for the survival of many other forms of life on earth as well.

No country, no matter how rich or powerful, can solve the problems facing humanity and Mother Earth on their own, let alone with a “beggar my neighbor” attitude. Rather, it’s the case that we sink or swim together. Xi’s concept of a community with a shared future is the shoreline that humanity has to swim towards. The Governance of China is like a lodestar or lighthouse illuminating the way to a distant shore. That is why I am sure that this latest volume will be eagerly awaited, read, studied and discussed by people on every continent.

Chen Weihua: Marx’s legacy still relevant in Europe

Brussels says farewell to Chen Weihua

Chen Weihua, correspondent for the Chinese newspaper China Daily in Brussels for the past seven years, returned home on August 4. He recently turned 62 and thus worked two years longer than the retirement age for most Chinese men.

During his time as bureau chief for his newspaper, he wrote numerous articles about the European Union – his main assignment – but also about Belgium. Among other things, he wrote an interesting piece about Karl Marx’s stay in Brussels, which we reproduce below.

Of course, he also made many local friends, most of whom are professionally interested in China. During a pleasant dinner at the Bozarcafé in Brussels on August 1, a few local friends said farewell to him. Sitting at the table next to Chen (left) are Frank Willems, co-editor of the website Chinasquare.be. In front of him: Marc Vandepitte, co-editor of the alternative news website De Wereld Morgen. Other Belgian fellow editors and journalists complete the picture.

Chen has returned to his home city of Shanghai, where he will continue to write columns in addition to numerous planned trips within his own country. “I have worked as a journalist all my life and cannot simply leave all that knowledge and experience behind me. I will continue to write commentaries in my ‘sea of free time’, as retirement is sometimes described. You are not rid of me yet…”

Jan Reyniers

As one of his last journalistic assignments in Brussels, Chen Weihua wrote an interesting and important article, Marx’s legacy still relevant in Europe,which was published by China Daily on June 20.

Chen writes that, after having been forced to leave Germany and France: “ Marx lived in several different places in Brussels. I have visited the one at 42 Rue d’Orleans, now 50 Rue Jean d’Ardenne. It is the only place with a commemorative plaque, which indicates that the family lived here from 1846 to 1848. It was in Brussels that Marx’s wife, Jenny von Westphalen, Marx’s childhood sweetheart and lifelong companion, gave birth to their son Edgar and daughter Laura.”

He adds: “Belgian historian Edward de Maesschalck, who wrote a book on Marx in Brussels, said that Brussels marked a turning point in Marx’s life and from there, he initiated a revolution that would radically transform the world.

“Brussels was then a city with a rich upper class and a large number of poor people. There was the Potato Famine of 1846 and grain shortages in 1847. Poverty in Belgium reached an all-time high, reinforcing Marx’s belief that revolution could not be long in coming.”

Maesschalck also wrote that Marx arrived as a socially committed scholar, seeking clarity and finding the key to a better understanding of human history. In Brussels, Marx emerged as a revolutionary with a mission. It was in Brussels, too, that his views of historical materialism were formed, and in Brussels… that he and Friedrich Engels wrote the Communist Manifesto.

Chen notes that, in contrast to his stature in China, Marx is not especially popular in contemporary Europe, for example among the social democratic parties that were originally founded as Marxist parties. However, he contends that the increase in workers’ strikes in recent years vindicates Marx’s analysis.

According to Bart Peeters of the Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB/PDVA): “Without a thorough scientific understanding of the mechanics of capitalism and its domination of the state apparatus, the struggle cannot be successful. Fortunately, more and more workers are beginning to understand this.”

Marx’s legacy still relevant in Europe

June 20 (China Daily) – The Grand Place is the most famous and photographed tourist attraction in Brussels and was described by Victor Hugo as the most beautiful in the world. Encircled by buildings of Baroque, Gothic and Louis XIV architectural styles and gilded with gold detailing, it is known to Chinese tourists as Golden Grand Square or huangjin da guangchang.

Chinese scholar says Vietnamese socialism is a new theoretical model for global socialism and a reference for developing countries

As the Socialist Republic of Vietnam gears up for massive celebrations marking the 80^th anniversary of the August Revolution and the September 2^nd proclamation of the then Democratic Republic of Vietnam by President Ho Chi Minh, a Chinese Marxist scholar has said that the country exemplifies the successful fusion of socialism and a market economy.

Speaking to Vietnam News Agency (VNA) correspondents in Beijing, Professor Dr. Pan Jin’e from the Research Institute of Marxism under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, noted that since embarking on reforms in 1986, Vietnam has gradually built a “socialist-oriented market economy,” shifting from a planned to an open economy. As a result:

In 2024, GDP reached 476.3 billion USD and per capita GDP exceeded 4,700 USD.

The World Bank recognises Vietnam as a “model for poverty reduction among developing countries.”

With renewable energy accounting for 8% of the energy mix by 2024, the country’s target of reaching carbon neutrality by 2050 is drawing global attention.

The country has established the theory of a socialist rule-of-law state “of the people, by the people, and for the people,” blending Marxism with local realities to balance political stability and social vitality, a breakthrough in Marxist theory on proletarian state power.

Additionally, Vietnam pursues “development for the people,” making strides in education, healthcare, employment, and social security. Education is free from preschool to public high school; primary school enrolment reached 99.7% in 2024, with a target of 35% university enrolment by 2030. Healthcare insurance coverage reached 93.35% in 2024, nearing universal health coverage, with life expectancy rising from 40 years in 1945 to 75.8 years today.

The interview notes: “These successes stem from decades of struggle against colonialism and invasion. Vietnam’s history is a heroic example for developing countries overcoming backwardness through socialist leadership, the regime’s strengths, and the unity and resilience of its people, supported by international solidarity and proletarian internationalism.”

Regarding Vietnam’s development of and contributions to global socialism, the Chinese scholar described the country’s accomplishments as offering a “Vietnamese solution” to the world socialist movement. Vietnam presents a new theoretical model and developmental path for socialism globally, serving as a reference for developing countries.

Pan concluded that Vietnam’s achievements in building socialism confirm Marx’s view on diverse development paths. She emphasised that Vietnam’s experience revitalises the global socialist movement and opens “another possibility” for developing countries to explore the path of modernisation. “Socialism is not an abstract doctrine, but a creative practice rooted in the country and responsive to the era’s needs,” making this Vietnam’s most valuable contribution to the global socialist movement.

The following article was originally published by Nhân Dân.

Viet Nam, a country that has steadfastly pursued socialism, has gained remarkable achievements in a wide scope of sectors that includes the economy, politics, society, and culture, according to a Chinese expert on Vietnamese affairs.

Economically, Viet Nam exemplifies the successful fusion of socialism and a market economy, Prof., Dr. Pan Jin’e from the Research Institute of Marxism under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said in an interview with Viet Nam News Agency correspondents in Beijing.

Inside China: Why they’re opening 1,000 new Schools of Marxism

In this wide-ranging conversation on The Socialist Program, historian and China scholar Professor Ken Hammond discusses recent developments in China following a visit in July 2025. He emphasises both the remarkable economic progress as well as the challenges China faces as it pursues further socialist development and modernisation.

Ken notes the absence of extreme poverty and homelessness in urban China, contrasting it with Western cities. Yet he also highlights discussions that are taking place in China as to how best to restrict the influence of big capital and to maintain the core role of the state in directing the economy.

One significant development mentioned is the establishment of over a thousand Schools of Marxism across Chinese universities, reflecting a reassertion of the importance of Marxist ideology and a renewed public discourse around socialism under Xi Jinping’s leadership.

Ken and host Brian Becker discuss the historical rationale behind China’s use of markets, viewing it as a pragmatic strategy to gain technology, expertise and capital from the advanced capitalist countries. Contrary to US expectations, this has not led to a capitalist counterrevolution. Instead, with a remarkable improvement in their living conditions, Chinese people have considerable confidence in their social system.

Ken and Brian also analyse China’s approach to international relations, based not on exporting its model but promoting multipolarity and cultural respect through initiatives like the Global Civilisation Initiative. As Ken puts it, socialism with Chinese characteristics is still very much a work in progress.

Strengthening ties between Irish and Chinese Marxists

A delegation from the Academy of Marxism of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences recently visited Ireland as part of a European tour that also took them to Britain and Portugal.

In the following article, Gearóid Ó Machail outlines the delegation’s program in Ireland. Gearóid is a member of the National Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) as well as of the Advisory Group of Friends of Socialist China.

We previously published a report of the delegation’s time in London. While in Britain, they also visited Cambridge and Manchester.

The Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) recently welcomed a visiting delegation from the Institute of Marxism at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) to Dublin for a series of bilateral engagements and discussions.

The Chinese delegation arrived on the afternoon of Friday July 18 and began their program with discussions at their country’s Dublin embassy.

The next day they engaged with a group of Marxist academics at Trinity College Dublin (TCD). This dialogue brought together academics from three Dublin universities and was facilitated by Assistant Professor Harun Šiljak of the CPI. The Irish delegation also included Emeritus Professor at Dublin City University Helena Sheehan who has recently returned from a teaching post at Peking University.

The Irish hosts engaged with the Chinese comrades to discuss Irish academia and Marxism, perspectives on Chinese modernisation, ecology, the contradictions of capitalism, ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’ and other topics.

The visiting delegation comprised researchers and professors from the Institute of Marxism at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) – a research institution established by the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2005.

Comrade Professor Chen Zhigang, Vice President of the Institute, led the discussion from the Chinese side, offering valuable insights into the workings of the CPC and its role in China’s development. He addressed the challenges facing rural development in China and elaborated on the concept of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the guiding principles of Xi Jinping Thought and its fundamental opposition to the Western model of globalisation and imperialist agendas. Professor Chen advocated for a model of inclusive globalisation that benefits all nations.

Throughout the discussion, he also reiterated China’s commitment to building an ecological civilisation grounded in world peace and inclusive development.

Comrade Han Dongjun translated Professor Chen’s remarks, while comrades Liu Yan, Fang Tao, and Zhuo Mingliang highlighted various achievements of China under the leadership of the CPC.

Following their meeting with the academics on Saturday morning, the CASS representatives had a bilateral meeting with leading representatives from the Communist Party of Ireland at their Party premises in Temple Bar, Dublin.

Former General Secretary of the CPI and member of the National Executive Committee of the party, Comrade Eugene McCartan was accompanied by Comrade Tommy McKearney of the Betty Sinclair Branch and Dublin Branch Secretary Comrade Harun Šiljak. Both delegations exchanged political experiences and views.

The CPI outlined its class-based, anti-imperialist approach to key political questions. Discussions focussed on ending British rule in Ireland, the defence of Irish neutrality and opposition to the growing threat posed by increased EU militarisation.

The CPI comrades highlighted their strategy to break the “Triple Lock of Imperialism” -the financial, diplomatic and military controls and instruments deployed by the USA, the EU and Britain aimed at restricting and undermining the political and economic sovereignty and destiny of the Irish people.

They also outlined to the visiting Chinese delegation how the Irish nation’s interests are currently subordinated to the needs of imperialism as a result of the political and economic subservience arising from the class interests of the comprador Irish ruling class.

Professor Chen Zhigang provided a detailed presentation on the development of Chinese Marxism, stating that it’s because of Marxism that China has been able to achieve remarkable successes. Comrade Chen discussed the meaning and relevance of Xi Jinping Thought, as the latest development of Marxism in China; a Marxism adapted to the conditions prevailing in the 21st century and the array of new challenges that present themselves.

He further pointed to what should be a well-understood and obvious truth: that as society develops, theory must develop along with it. “If Marxism does not evolve, its vitality will be limited.” He also noted that Socialism with Chinese Characteristics has developed and thrived by combining Marxist ideas with Chinese culture and traditions, hence Chinese people do not think of Marxism as a foreign phenomenon.

Regarding the global applicability of Xi Jinping Thought, Comrade Chen said that China seeks to offer Chinese wisdom towards the solution of problems of global governance. The concept of a Global Community of Shared Future, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative, the Global Civilisation Initiative and the Global Security Initiative are all based on the principles of mutual learning, exchanges and dialogue, and all seek to promote peace, sustainability, development, cooperation and friendship.

The meeting provided another opportunity to consolidate and strengthen the bonds of friendship between Irish and Chinese communists.

China’s development demonstrates that there is a viable alternative to capitalism and imperialism, and their hegemonic control over people and the planet. Yet, imperialist powers and their capitalist regimes remain determined and are working actively every day to try to undermine China, its people, and their revolutionary achievements.

The comrades from Ireland and China reaffirmed their belief in Marxism’s potential to offer a genuine alternative to capitalism and its warmongering, imperialist hegemony, which undermines peace and disempowers people across the globe. A better world is possible.