Socialism Archives - Friends of Socialist China

Australian communists learn from China’s experience in party building

The Communist Party of Australia (CPA) has said that it can learn from the Communist Party of China’s efforts to uproot corruption and bureaucracy and retain a good style of work based on the mass line.

In a recent interview with the Global Times newspaper, Vinnie Molina, National President of the CPA, was asked what lessons China’s “eight-point decision” provides for Marxist parties worldwide.

The eight-point decision is a set of rules first adopted by the CPC leadership in December 2012 to address chronic bureaucratic issues, including official privileges.

Spelled out in just over 600 words, it established rules for Party leaders governing research tours, meetings, documentation, and other official duties. It later expanded into a Party-wide initiative for all members to adopt its principles to improve governance conduct. After more than a decade of implementation, the decision has been hailed as a “game changer” in China’s governance.

In March 2025, the CPC launched a further Party-wide education campaign to implement the program.

Asked what provisions made the deepest impressions on him, Molina replied:

“To be a good Communist requires dedication and humility. I really admire the leadership style of Chinese President Xi Jinping, especially how he leads by example… The first regulation is crucial: ‘leaders must keep in close contact with the grassroots.’ Those who are in positions of responsibility must work hard to earn the people’s trust and never separate themselves from the people. Local knowledge and experience are vital for leadership on the national level.”

As the president of a Marxist-Leninist party, Molina sees the decision as inheriting and developing Marxist party-building doctrine:

“Friedrich Engels, in his ‘Rules of the Communist League (1847),’ recognised that if the working masses were to overcome capitalism, they would need to be highly organised. He also stressed the importance of responsibility to the community and having safeguards against the misuse of funds. It is easy to deviate from party discipline if we are not closely linked to the people. It is with the people that the Communist Parties test their leadership and policies.”

He added: “The CPC uses the method of criticism and self-criticism in party-building at all levels from the leadership to the rank and file to strengthen the unity of the organisation and its place in Chinese society. As Marxist-Leninist parties, we must reflect on the principles and methods of work and establish strict requirements to ensure both centralism and democracy are adhered to. We can only grow and thrive if we have cadres who are disciplined and understand the need for democratic centralism, self-discipline and leading by example.”

On the relations between Marxist parties worldwide, including between the CPA and CPC, Molina concludes:

“The exchanges between Communist Parties are vital to upholding our commitment to proletarian internationalism. By learning how each party applies universal principles to its specific context, we gain invaluable insights. The CPC’s decision of engaging with Marxist parties worldwide is not only correct but essential. We deeply value this dialogue and hope to see in-depth information sharing. ‘Workers of the world, unite’ is a phrase that rings true throughout history. To isolate ourselves from the world can lead to the withering of our movement – as seen in parts of the Western left, which have at times fallen prey to the imperialist propaganda. That is why we support greater opportunities for Marxist education exchanges, which can help smaller parties like the CPA train cadres capable of building a stronger communist presence.”

China’s 15th Five-Year Plan: A blueprint for people-centred development

In the following article, originally published in Beijing Review on 17 November, Carlos Martinez provides an overview of the draft of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan. Carlos writes that “every Five-Year Plan is important but this one arrives at a truly pivotal moment in terms of China’s development trajectory and the global environment”, noting that the government has set an ambitious goal of “basically achieving socialist modernisation” by 2035, while at the same time the country faces an escalating campaign of containment and encirclement led by the US.

The United States in particular is responding to the rise of China and the emergence of a more multipolar world order with a New Cold War strategy designed to perpetuate US hegemony and hobble China’s progress.

In the face of a highly unpredictable tariff war, export controls, unilateralism, protectionism and so-called decoupling – along with an escalating campaign of encirclement and containment – China’s strategists necessarily have to focus on deepening domestic innovation and technological self-reliance.

The article points out the central themes of the draft plan, in particular technological development, advanced industry, common prosperity, and ecological protection. It also points to the highly democratic nature of China’s planning process. Carlos concludes:

In a turbulent and complex global environment, China continues to work towards socialist modernisation, building common prosperity and an ecological civilisation, while engaging with the world on the basis of mutual respect and mutual benefit. The 15th Five-Year Plan represents a comprehensive and forward-looking blueprint for achieving these goals.

The 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held its fourth plenary session in Beijing from October 20–23, 2025. The plenary’s central task was to deliberate on the framework of the country’s next national development roadmap: the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026–2030), which will be formally adopted at next year’s National People’s Congress.

Every Five-Year Plan is important but this one arrives at a truly pivotal moment in terms of China’s development trajectory and the global environment.

The CPC’s 20th National Congress in October 2022 laid out a two-step strategic proposal for building China into a “great modern socialist country in all respects” by the middle of the century. The first step is to “basically achieve socialist modernisation” by 2035. The period from 2026 and 2030 will be critically important in building the foundations for reaching that milestone.

At the plenary, General Secretary Xi Jinping observed:

The 15th Five-Year Plan period will serve as a critical stage in building on past successes to break new ground for basically achieving socialist modernisation. It is important that we seize this window of opportunity to consolidate and build on our strengths, remove development bottlenecks, shore up areas of weakness, seize the strategic initiative amid intense international competition, and secure major breakthroughs in strategic tasks of overall importance to Chinese modernisation.

Xi further elaborated on the meaning of “basically achieving socialist modernisation”, noting that it would include China’s per capita GDP reaching the level of the mid-level developed countries. There is no internationally agreed definition of this category, but a State Council analysis in 2021 estimated that it would correspond to a per capita GDP of about 30,000 USD, just over double China’s current level.

China and the West: two systems, two futures

In the video embedded below, Jyotishman Mudiar of the popular India and Global Left channel interviews Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez on a range of topics related to China and global political economy, including: the dimensions of China’s economic progress since 1949; the differences between the first three decades of socialist construction and the Reform and Opening Up period; the differences between Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and capitalism; the definition of socialism; the political system that enables China’s unprecedented progress on poverty alleviation and green energy; the nature of multipolarity; the differences between today’s emerging multipolarity and the inter-imperialist rivalry of the early 20th century; how multipolarity opens a path for advance to socialism; the nature of the current long crisis of capitalism; and the meaning of “changes unseen in a century”.

Chinese and Vietnamese communists discuss the path and practice of socialism in the 21st century

The Communist Parties of China and Vietnam held their 20th theory seminar in Vietnam’s northern Ninh Binh province on November 12 under the theme, “The path and practice of socialism in the 21st century.”

Both parties were represented at Politburo level. The Communist Party of China (CPC) delegation was headed by Li Shulei, Politburo member, Secretary of the CPC Central Committee’s Secretariat, and head of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, while the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) delegation was led by Nguyen Xuan Thang, Politburo member, Chairman of the Central Theory Council, and President of the Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics. Attending the seminar were representatives of ministries, central agencies, and localities, along with scientists, experts, and scholars from both countries, as well as the Chinese Ambassador to Vietnam.

CPC General Secretary Xi Jinping and CPV General Secretary To Lam both sent congratulatory letters to the seminar.

In the letters, the two leaders affirmed the important role of this highest-level theory exchange mechanism between the two Parties, reflecting their strategic vision, close bond, and shared responsibility in safeguarding, applying, and creatively developing Marxism-Leninism in accordance with each country’s realities, as well as demonstrating the high level of political trust between the two Parties and nations.

Xi Jinping said that both the CPC and the CPV uphold and develop Marxism, unswervingly follow the socialist path, and lead their respective countries in socialist construction, facing many of the same or similar issues of the times.

The two parties have carried out in-depth exchanges of experience in governance, jointly explored a socialist modernisation path that suits their national conditions, and worked together to promote the localisation and modernisation of Marxism and the development of the world socialist movement, constantly writing a new chapter of friendship of “comrades plus brothers” in the new era.

He also called for joint efforts to deepen theoretical discussions and academic exchanges, and to jointly enhance their understanding of the laws that underlie governance by a Communist party, socialist construction, as well as the development of human society, so as to provide theoretical support for the socialist cause of both countries and the construction of the China-Vietnam community with a shared future, and contribute to the noble cause of human peace and development.

To Lam affirmed that the CPV stands ready to work with the CPC to further deepen theory cooperation and share experiences in Party building, national development, and social governance, thereby promoting the development of socialist theory in the context of globalisation and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, for the benefit of the peoples of both countries and for a brighter future for socialism worldwide.

At a meeting between the two heads of delegations, the host congratulated China on its recent achievements, including the successful convening of the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee and the adoption of the orientation for formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan. He reaffirmed that Vietnam always attaches great importance and gives top priority to relations with China.

Li affirmed that the CPC firmly believes in and supports the CPV in successfully organising its 14th National Congress, opening a new era of development for Vietnam. He added that China always prioritises the development of relations with Viet Nam in its neighbourhood diplomacy.

Building whole-process people’s democracy in China

In the following detailed and highly informative article, originally published on Progressive International, Paweł Wargan and Jason Hickel use the regeneration of Minzhu Village in Chongqing as a vivid case study of China’s system of whole-process people’s democracy.

Formerly the site of one of China’s most important enterprises – the Chongqing Construction Machine Tool Factory – Minzhu Village began to decline after the factory was relocated in 2009.

Its infrastructure decayed and its population aged and dwindled. Officials considered demolishing the village and relocating its residents. But the community had generational bonds to the area, which itself held historic significance for the country. Instead of demolition, the village underwent a comprehensive program of regeneration. It became a model for the rest of the country — and provided a striking example of participatory processes in China’s development.

Minzhu was revived not through displacement but via a thoroughgoing democratic process involving hundreds of “courtyard meetings”, a digitised mailbox collecting thousands of suggestions, and surveys at multiple levels. The results – “the farmers’ market was modernised, the stream was cleaned up, the canteen was built, and new institutions and infrastructures for leisure, recreation, and community development were constructed around the village” – shine a light on how socialist democracy can bring about people-centred redevelopment, a far cry from the gentrification typically associated with urban redevelopment in the capitalist world.

This participatory method flows from the mass line, with the political leadership at all levels “continuously interpreting, systematising, and realising the ideas of the people”. The authors contrast this with capitalist democracy, a system which allows “the dominant class — the class with the most financial and organisational power — to determine political outcomes in its own interests, capture the state, and prevent any democratic challenges to its rule”.

In the US, for instance, power is passed back and forth between two establishment parties, both of which are explicitly pro-capitalist and committed to the interests of the capitalist class. Third parties — including socialist parties — are effectively frozen out of the national political process; they face serious obstacles when it comes to getting on ballots and securing airtime in official political debates.

By comparison, socialist democracy extends participation beyond ballots into production and planning. “Socialist democracy must be seen as a historic, multi-generational and dialectical process by which conditions that enable increasing parts of society to play an active role in governance are created, nurtured, and defended.”

The article provides an overview of China’s democratic processes, including electoral and consultative mechanisms across five administrative levels, with the CPC – a party with over 100 million members – functioning as a mass organisation practicing democratic centralism. Continuous, extensive consultation and participation are crucial ingredients of the decision-making and lawmaking systems. As Xi Jinping puts it, democracy means extensive deliberation across society; it is not a system where “people are awakened only at voting time and dormant afterward.”

The authors note that survey data consistently shows high public trust and satisfaction with Chinese governance, challenging Western assumptions that China’s legitimacy rests on coercion. They acknowledge debates over the extent of economic democracy, but argue that public control of the “commanding heights” enables planning toward collectively ratified goals.

Ultimately, Minzhu Village exemplifies a model that binds legitimacy to outcomes – poverty eradication, rising wages and life expectancy – rather than to the “periodic and highly ritualised” procedures of so-called liberal democracy. As Victor Gao quips, it is hard to imagine China’s transformation from poverty and backwardness occurring “without democracy… without the Chinese people actively participating in the decision-making process.”

The article concludes that the implications of China’s ongoing experimentation with whole-process people’s democracy extend beyond China’s borders:

In an era when Western liberal democracies face mounting crises of legitimacy — declining voter participation, growing inequality, institutional dysfunction, rising popular alienation from political processes, and the discarding of liberal democratic norms by states increasingly embroiled in wars of imperial expansion — the Chinese model offers alternative ways of conceptualising the relationship between popular sovereignty and effective governance. It suggests that democracy’s ultimate test lies not in conformity to particular institutional arrangements developed in specific historical contexts, but in its capacity to activate the people in shaping the conditions of their lives and societies. Understanding “whole-process people’s democracy” therefore requires moving beyond the constraints imposed by liberal ideology to engage seriously with socialist approaches to political organisation, which offer critical insights for all societies grappling with questions of development and popular sovereignty in the twenty-first century.

Introduction

In Minzhu Village, a small community in the Jiulongpo District of the sprawling metropolis of Chongqing, a remarkable transformation has taken place. Once a maze of crumbling buildings and narrow, muddy roads, Minzhu Village is now a modern community with radiant red-brick walls, landscaped paths, and thriving public services. It has a sustainable farmers’ market built with recycled materials, a public canteen that provides free meals for the elderly, fitness parks, stages for public performances, modern and affordable cafes, and a craft-beer bar housed in stacked shipping containers. On the main square, across from the three-story canteen, the Communist Party of China (CPC) operates a sleek public office, where residents can seek the support of Party cadres on anything from repainting their homes to resolving neighbourly disputes. Just a few years ago, sewage ran through a canal down the length of the main thoroughfare. Children and the elderly now dip their feet in the stream that has taken its place.

Interview: Is China capitalist, socialist or communist?

On 16 October 2025, Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez joined Shanghai-based journalist Andy Boreham for a wide-ranging discussion on the topics of anti-China propaganda, China’s record under Mao Zedong, China’s political and economic system since 1978, whether China is socialist, the differences between socialism and communism, and much more.

The video of the conversation is embedded below, and can also be found on the Reports on China YouTube channel.

Key party meeting sets stage for China’s next five-year plan

The 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) convened its fourth plenary session in Beijing from October 20 to 23, 2025, with its main business being to work on developing the country’s 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development, which will be formally adopted at next year’s annual parliamentary session of the National People’s Congress (NPC).

The communique released following the conclusion of the plenum noted that, “China is now on the verge of accomplishing the major objectives and tasks of the 14th Five-Year Plan. It was also noted that we had recently commemorated the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. This occasion has greatly lifted the national spirit, inspired a strong sense of patriotism among our people, and further pooled strength for our country’s collective endeavours.”

It added that: “In the face of a complicated international landscape and the challenging domestic tasks of advancing reform, promoting development, and ensuring stability, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has united the entire Party and Chinese people of all ethnic groups and led them in meeting difficulties head-on and forging ahead with determination. This has allowed us to withstand the severe shocks from a once-in-a-century Covid-19 pandemic, respond effectively to many major risks and challenges, and secure significant new achievements in the cause of the Party and the country.”

According to some of the most salient points in the communique:

It was pointed out that socialist modernisation can only be realised through a historical process of gradual and ongoing development. It requires the unremitting hard work of one generation after another. The period covered by the 15th Five-Year Plan will be critical in this process as we work to reinforce the foundations and push ahead on all fronts toward basically achieving socialist modernisation by 2035. It will thus serve as a key link between the past and the future. In this period, China’s development environment will face profound and intricate changes.

At present, China remains in a phase of development where strategic opportunities exist alongside risks and challenges, while uncertainties and unforeseen factors are rising. Our economy is on solid foundations, demonstrating advantages in many areas, strong resilience, and great potential. The conditions and underlying trends supporting long-term growth remain unchanged. More and more, we are seeing the strengths of socialism with Chinese characteristics, China’s enormous market, its complete industrial system, and its abundant human resources all coming to the fore.

We must maintain strategic resolve and enhance our confidence of success. We must proactively identify, respond to, and steer changes, demonstrate the courage and competence to carry forward our struggle, and dare to brave high winds, choppy waters, and even dangerous storms. We must seize the historical initiative to overcome difficulties, combat risks, and confront challenges, focus on managing our own affairs, and write yet another chapter on the miracles of rapid economic growth and long-term social stability, opening up new horizons for Chinese modernisation.

We must continue to pursue economic development as our central task, with high-quality development as our main focus, reform and innovation as the fundamental driving force, meeting the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life as our fundamental goal, and full and rigorous Party self-governance as the fundamental underpinning for all our efforts. We must promote higher-quality economic growth while achieving an appropriate increase in economic output and make solid headway in promoting well-rounded personal development and common prosperity for all. All of this will allow us to secure decisive progress toward basically achieving socialist modernisation.

The Central Committee also set the following major objectives for the 15th Five-Year Plan period: significant achievements in high-quality development; substantial improvements in scientific and technological self-reliance and strength; fresh breakthroughs in further deepening reform comprehensively; notable cultural and ethical progress across society; further improvements in quality of life; major new strides in advancing the Beautiful China Initiative; and further advances in strengthening the national security shield. Building on this, we will work hard for a further five years to see that by the year 2035 China’s economic strength, scientific and technological capabilities, national defence capabilities, composite national strength, and international influence will all be markedly stronger, that its per capita GDP will be on a par with that of a mid-level developed country, that its people will live better and happier lives, and that socialist modernisation will be basically realised.

We should keep our focus on the real economy, continue to pursue smart, green, and integrated development, and work faster to boost China’s strength in manufacturing, product quality, aerospace, transportation, and cyberspace. The share of manufacturing in the national economy should be kept at an appropriate level, and a modernised industrial system should be developed with advanced manufacturing as the backbone.

We should achieve greater self-reliance and strength in science and technology and steer the development of new quality productive forces. We must seize the historic opportunity presented by the new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation to boost China’s strength in education, science and technology, and human resources in a well-coordinated manner. We should enhance the overall performance of China’s innovation system, raise our innovation capacity across the board, strive to take a leading position in scientific and technological development, and keep fostering new quality productive forces. We should promote advances in original innovation and breakthroughs in core technologies in key fields, facilitate full integration between technological and industrial innovation, pursue integrated development of education, science and technology, and talent, and advance the Digital China Initiative.

Guided by the strategy of expanding domestic demand, we should work toward improving living standards while increasing consumer spending and coordinate investments in physical assets and human capital. We should see that new demand drives new supply, that new supply helps create fresh demand, and that positive interactions are fostered between consumption and investment and between supply and demand.

We should accelerate agricultural and rural modernisation and take solid steps to advance all-around rural revitalisation. We must continue to place issues related to agriculture, rural areas, and rural residents at the top of our Party’s work agenda. We need to promote integrated urban-rural development, continue to consolidate and expand our achievements in poverty alleviation, basically ensure modern living conditions in rural areas, and secure faster progress in building up China’s strength in agriculture.

We should inspire the cultural creativity of our entire nation and foster a thriving socialist culture. We must uphold the guiding role of Marxism in the ideological domain, remain firmly rooted in the broad and rich Chinese culture, and follow the trends of information technology. On this basis, we should develop a socialist culture with Chinese characteristics for the new era that has the power to guide, unite, and inspire our people and enjoys strong international influence.

We should work harder to ensure and improve public wellbeing and promote common prosperity for all. In line with the principle of doing everything within our means, we must ensure that public services are inclusive, meet essential needs, and provide a cushion for those most in need, while working to resolve the pressing difficulties and problems that concern the people most… We should promote high-quality and full employment, refine the income distribution system, develop education that meets the people’s expectations, improve the social security system, and facilitate high-quality development of the real estate sector.

We should accelerate the green transition in all areas of economic and social development in an effort to build a Beautiful China. We must unwaveringly uphold the principle that lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets and put it into concrete action. Guided by our goals of achieving peak carbon and carbon neutrality, we should make concerted efforts to cut carbon emissions, reduce pollution, pursue green development, and boost economic growth… We should press ahead with the critical battle against pollution and the drive to upgrade ecosystems, move faster to develop a new energy system, work actively and prudently toward peak carbon emissions, and accelerate the shift to eco-friendly production practices and lifestyles.

We should work for long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and Macao, promote the peaceful development of relations across the Taiwan Strait and advance the cause of national reunification, and secure further progress in building a community with a shared future for humanity.

It was stressed that to run the country well, we must first run the Party well; only a Party that is thriving can make our country strong. The more effective our Party is in supervising and governing itself, the better it will be able to provide guarantees for our economic and social development. We must have the resolve and tenacity to persist in the always ongoing endeavour of Party self-governance. In exercising full and rigorous self-governance, we must firmly act on the Party’s requirements for self-reform, devote sustained and consistent efforts to improving conduct, and combat corruption resolutely, thereby providing a strong guarantee for fulfilling the major objectives for economic and social development in the 15th Five-Year Plan period.

We should ramp up efforts to address wage arrears, improve basic public services, and work harder to resolve the pressing difficulties and problems that concern the people most. We must do a good job in post-disaster recovery and reconstruction. Appropriate arrangements should be made for disaster victims to ensure that their basic living needs are met and that they have warm shelter for the winter.

We must ensure workplace safety and safeguard stability. We must make sure that all responsibilities concerning workplace safety are fulfilled and that oversight systems are rigorously implemented, and we must work with firm resolve to prevent and mitigate major and serious accidents. We should strengthen whole-of-chain supervision and administration of food and drug safety.

The meeting adopted the Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development.

Comrade Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, delivered an important explanatory speech.

He noted that: “Formulating medium- and long-term plans to guide economic and social development is an important means by which our Party governs the country… Throughout the drafting process, the Central Committee followed a democratic approach and drew on a vast pool of wisdom, conducting in-depth surveys and studies and seeking opinions from all quarters. On January 22, the Central Committee issued the Notice on Soliciting Opinions on Recommendations for the 15th Five-Year Plan to Be Studied at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, in order to gather opinions from certain Party members and non-Party figures. In late February, the Central Committee organised six teams to conduct research projects in 12 provincial-level regions. Meanwhile, it requested certain central Party and state departments to conduct research on 35 key topics. On April 30, I presided over a symposium in Shanghai on economic and social development during the 15th Five-Year Plan period for certain provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the central government. Thereafter, I entrusted Comrade Li Qiang with presiding over three separate symposiums for the economic community, the scientific and technological community, and representatives from the primary level. We also solicited opinions online, receiving more than three million comments, which were then sorted through and condensed into over 1,500 suggestions.”

He added that: “The general conclusion is that during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, China will face both strategic opportunities and risks and challenges in development, as well as increasing uncertainties and unforeseen factors. Nevertheless, the conditions for and underlying trends of long-term economic and social growth will remain unchanged.”

Further explaining the drafting process for the document, he continued: “On August 4, a draft document was issued to certain Party members, including some retired senior Party officials, for consultation. Opinions were also sought from the central committees of other political parties, leaders of the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, and prominent figures without party affiliation… Those consulted submitted many constructive opinions and suggestions on the draft. The drafting group worked through these one by one and incorporated as many of them as possible into the text. In total, we made 218 additions, revisions, and simplifications to the document based on 452 opinions and suggestions… It is fair to say that the drafting work for this document is yet another vivid example of intra-Party democracy and whole-process people’s democracy in action.”

Speaking on several of the key issues related to the next Five-Year Plan, Xi said: “Socialist modernisation can only be realised through a historical process of gradual and ongoing development. It requires the unremitting hard work of one generation after another. The draft document points out that the 15th Five-Year Plan period will serve as a critical stage in building on past successes to break new ground for basically achieving socialist modernisation… It is important that we seize this window of opportunity to consolidate and build on our strengths, remove development bottlenecks, shore up areas of weakness, seize the strategic initiative amid intense international competition, and secure major breakthroughs in strategic tasks of overall importance to Chinese modernisation. All of this will allow us to secure decisive progress toward basically achieving socialist modernisation… An important benchmark for basically achieving socialist modernisation by 2035 is that China’s per capita GDP will be on a par with that of a mid-level developed country by that time. This dictates that we must maintain an appropriate rate of economic and social development during the 15th Five-Year Plan period. On the basis of thorough research and scientific analysis, the draft document puts forward a range of important objectives, such as ensuring the economy keeps growing within an appropriate range, realising steady gains in total factor productivity, fully unleashing the potential for growth, ensuring personal incomes increase in step with economic growth and remuneration rises in tandem with labour productivity increases, and continuing to expand the middle-income group.”

The long march through the primary stage of socialism

The following is the text of a speech given by Eben Dombay Williams, YCL Education Officer, at our second annual Socialist China Conference, held on Saturday, September 27.

Eben’s speech is based primarily on a text he has been translating, written by an academic at a Chinese Marxist Institute in Shanghai, analysing the theoretical aspects of what is known in China as the primary stage of socialism. The article observes that socialism in China did not emerge from fully developed capitalism, as envisioned by Marx and Engels, but from a revolutionary leap over the “Caudine Forks” of capitalism. Because of China’s relatively undeveloped productive forces at the time of revolution, it must spend an extended historical period completing the modernisation tasks that capitalism would otherwise have accomplished.

The “primary stage” theory, formally defined at the CPC’s 13th National Congress, recognises that class struggle persists but does not constitute the principal contradiction in society. Currently, “the primary task is to energetically expand the commodity economy, raise labour productivity and gradually achieve modernisation of industry, agriculture, national defence, science and technology”.

The text notes that, in the first decades of Reform and opening up, a level of ideological confusion crept in. “Some of the differences between socialism and capitalism were to a certain extent concealed under the banner of ‘modernisation,’ and a series of problems and phenomena that were clearly contrary to socialist principles emerged in society. But since the new era, the Central Committee of the CPC with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has always emphasised the socialist nature of the Chinese road, continuing to follow the basic principles and core values of socialism in drawing up the strategy for China’s modernisation drive and always inserting socialist elements into this modernisation, leading the way to building a great modern socialist country in all respects and striving to promote an organic unity between socialism and modernisation.”

As it moves towards basic completion of the task of socialist modernisation by the middle of this century, China is breaking new ground in the development of Marxism. “The implications … are not only to provide another option for the path to modernisation for the vast number of developing countries, including other socialist countries, but also to present a new solution to the problems of modernity for the developed capitalist countries, that is, the socialist road out.”

The video of the speech is embedded below the text.

I’d first like to give a massive thank-you to Carlos, Keith and the whole team at Friends of Socialist China. It’s so encouraging to see that following on from the successful 75th anniversary celebrations last year, this has now become an annual conference. It’s no small feat to bring multiple socialist and communist organisations on the left together under one roof, but it’s so important that we reject petty sectarianism and unite to build an anti-imperialist united front in the face of attacks on socialist China and the multipolar world. Of course, solidarity with George Galloway and his wife Gayatri on their shameful detention.

In my day job, I work as a Chinese to English translator and it just so happened that when I was invited to speak on the subject of socialist construction in China, I was in the middle of translating an important text written by an academic at a Chinese Marxist Institute in Shanghai. This text focuses on the theoretical aspects of what the CPC has termed the “primary stage of socialism” and will hopefully be appearing in a future edition of Iskra Books’ theoretical journal, Peace, Land, and Bread next year. I wanted to share a small extract of the text because I found it very interesting and relevant:

Theoretically speaking, socialism is not being constructed in China on the exact same basis envisioned by Marx and Engels and fully expanded upon in Capital. Instead, it has been reached directly under conditions where capitalism has not fully developed, where political power was seized through revolution at the appropriate historical moment, and where the “Caudine Forks” of the capitalist system was leaped across,” with “Caudine Forks” being the term Marx used in his prophetic wisdom to describe the problem of a potential, future socialist society attempting to skip over the capitalist stage after a successful proletarian revolution.

Interview: China’s successes are based on socialism

On the Global Majority for Peace podcast, Ileana Chan talks with Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez about why so much of the Western left doesn’t support China; what the differences are between Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and capitalism; the nature of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the aims of the multipolar project; whether China’s engagement with the world can be considered “imperialist”; the nature of China’s relationship with the Democratic Republic of Congo; the state of the semiconductor wars; and China’s remarkable progress in green energy.

The first half hour of the interview is embedded below. Readers are also welcome to access the full 53-minute video, which is currently unlisted.

Chinese scholar says Vietnamese socialism is a new theoretical model for global socialism and a reference for developing countries

As the Socialist Republic of Vietnam gears up for massive celebrations marking the 80^th anniversary of the August Revolution and the September 2^nd proclamation of the then Democratic Republic of Vietnam by President Ho Chi Minh, a Chinese Marxist scholar has said that the country exemplifies the successful fusion of socialism and a market economy.

Speaking to Vietnam News Agency (VNA) correspondents in Beijing, Professor Dr. Pan Jin’e from the Research Institute of Marxism under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, noted that since embarking on reforms in 1986, Vietnam has gradually built a “socialist-oriented market economy,” shifting from a planned to an open economy. As a result:

In 2024, GDP reached 476.3 billion USD and per capita GDP exceeded 4,700 USD.

The World Bank recognises Vietnam as a “model for poverty reduction among developing countries.”

With renewable energy accounting for 8% of the energy mix by 2024, the country’s target of reaching carbon neutrality by 2050 is drawing global attention.

The country has established the theory of a socialist rule-of-law state “of the people, by the people, and for the people,” blending Marxism with local realities to balance political stability and social vitality, a breakthrough in Marxist theory on proletarian state power.

Additionally, Vietnam pursues “development for the people,” making strides in education, healthcare, employment, and social security. Education is free from preschool to public high school; primary school enrolment reached 99.7% in 2024, with a target of 35% university enrolment by 2030. Healthcare insurance coverage reached 93.35% in 2024, nearing universal health coverage, with life expectancy rising from 40 years in 1945 to 75.8 years today.

The interview notes: “These successes stem from decades of struggle against colonialism and invasion. Vietnam’s history is a heroic example for developing countries overcoming backwardness through socialist leadership, the regime’s strengths, and the unity and resilience of its people, supported by international solidarity and proletarian internationalism.”

Regarding Vietnam’s development of and contributions to global socialism, the Chinese scholar described the country’s accomplishments as offering a “Vietnamese solution” to the world socialist movement. Vietnam presents a new theoretical model and developmental path for socialism globally, serving as a reference for developing countries.

Pan concluded that Vietnam’s achievements in building socialism confirm Marx’s view on diverse development paths. She emphasised that Vietnam’s experience revitalises the global socialist movement and opens “another possibility” for developing countries to explore the path of modernisation. “Socialism is not an abstract doctrine, but a creative practice rooted in the country and responsive to the era’s needs,” making this Vietnam’s most valuable contribution to the global socialist movement.

The following article was originally published by Nhân Dân.

Viet Nam, a country that has steadfastly pursued socialism, has gained remarkable achievements in a wide scope of sectors that includes the economy, politics, society, and culture, according to a Chinese expert on Vietnamese affairs.

Economically, Viet Nam exemplifies the successful fusion of socialism and a market economy, Prof., Dr. Pan Jin’e from the Research Institute of Marxism under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said in an interview with Viet Nam News Agency correspondents in Beijing.

Inside China: Why they’re opening 1,000 new Schools of Marxism

In this wide-ranging conversation on The Socialist Program, historian and China scholar Professor Ken Hammond discusses recent developments in China following a visit in July 2025. He emphasises both the remarkable economic progress as well as the challenges China faces as it pursues further socialist development and modernisation.

Ken notes the absence of extreme poverty and homelessness in urban China, contrasting it with Western cities. Yet he also highlights discussions that are taking place in China as to how best to restrict the influence of big capital and to maintain the core role of the state in directing the economy.

One significant development mentioned is the establishment of over a thousand Schools of Marxism across Chinese universities, reflecting a reassertion of the importance of Marxist ideology and a renewed public discourse around socialism under Xi Jinping’s leadership.

Ken and host Brian Becker discuss the historical rationale behind China’s use of markets, viewing it as a pragmatic strategy to gain technology, expertise and capital from the advanced capitalist countries. Contrary to US expectations, this has not led to a capitalist counterrevolution. Instead, with a remarkable improvement in their living conditions, Chinese people have considerable confidence in their social system.

Ken and Brian also analyse China’s approach to international relations, based not on exporting its model but promoting multipolarity and cultural respect through initiatives like the Global Civilisation Initiative. As Ken puts it, socialism with Chinese characteristics is still very much a work in progress.

China’s five-year plans democratic, people-centred and grounded in material reality

In a wide-ranging interview with Global Times, Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez describes China’s Five-Year Plans (FYPs) as democratic, people-centred, and grounded in material reality. He emphasises that China’s success in planning stems from its ability to align governance with popular needs and long-term strategy. “China is known globally for its effective governance and for its record of keeping its promises”, he notes, citing the 13th FYP’s targeted poverty alleviation campaign as a key example of practical planning based on extensive grassroots research.

Carlos stresses that these plans are not top-down decrees but involve widespread consultation, making them highly democratic and responsive to the needs of the people.

China’s five-year plans are well-received by the people because they are based on extensive consultation with the people, and are responsive to the needs, wishes and aspirations of the people. Every plan is based on discussions with, and feedback from, the people. In that sense, the plans are highly democratic, and accord with Chinese emphasis that “the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.” The basic methodology of the mass line – from the masses, to the masses – has been well employed by the government and the Party in devising goals and plans.

China’s evolving development strategy, he argues, is responsive to shifting realities. Early plans focused on light industry and technological catch-up; today, priorities include green energy, advanced manufacturing, and digitisation. “Quality, rather than quantity, has become a more important feature of the country’s growth”, he observes.

Carlos credites President Xi Jinping with combining short-, medium-, and long-term planning rooted in the principles of common prosperity and ecological sustainability. Furthermore, Xi’s strategic thinking increasingly has global applicability, as seen in initiatives like the Belt and Road and the Global Development Initiative.

Contrasting China’s approach with the short-termism of Western governments, Carlos points out that, unlike the West’s shareholder-driven model, China’s system prioritises the long-term interests of the people. “Ultimately, the ‘institutional advantage’ is the political power of the working people, and the fact that, in China, people come before profit.”

GT: In China, the scientific formulation and consistent implementation of five-year plans stand as an important piece of experience in the CPC’s approach to governing the country. Why do you think China places significant emphasis on scientific formulation and consistent implementation of five-year plans?

Martinez: China is known globally for its effective governance and for its record of keeping its promises. Its objectives and plans are developed over a long period of time, and are firmly grounded in material reality and the needs and aspirations of the people.

For example, China’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-20) codified the central leadership’s poverty-reduction decision into the state will that is operable in practice. The targeted poverty alleviation campaign included sending officials to the countryside to identify the communities, families and individuals living in extreme poverty. Once the “facts on the ground” were established, a comprehensive plan was developed – at national, provincial, county and village levels – to sustainably lift everyone out of extreme poverty, so that they had a steady income, along with guaranteed housing, food, clothing, education, healthcare, modern energy and running water.

China keeps its promises, and it does so by mobilizing enormous resources toward key projects. In 2020, President Xi announced the country’s commitment to peaking its carbon dioxide emissions before 2030. This goal informed the current (14th) five-year plan, and appropriate targets were set at every level, throughout the country.

In summary, China develops plans that are realistic and flexible, that meet both the short-term and long-term needs of the people and that contribute to the country’s overall strategy. Once the blueprint is agreed and established, different parts and levels of the government work closely with the central government, with state-owned enterprises, private businesses, educational institutions, as well as community organizations and NGOs to implement the plan. The whole country works together to realize an agenda that aligns with the collective interest. This embodies the spirit of socialism.

Jiayuguan – the socialist future today

In the following article, which was originally published in the Morning Star under the title ‘China’s socialism succeeds where Eastern European failed’, Pawel Wargan, Political Coordinator at the Progressive International, writes movingly about his recent visit to Jiayuguan, a ‘steel city’ in western China’s Gansu province, contrasting this prosperous and civilised socialist community to the dystopian fate of similarly conceived projects in his native Poland and other formerly socialist countries.

Pawel writes that, “those of us who were born on the ruins of the socialist Eastern Bloc know how purpose-built, industrial ‘monotowns’ are meant to look. Rusting steel mills, cracked and potholed roads, weathered sheets of corrugated metal strewn about. Thick smog and poisoned soil. Drunks passed out on the train platform. Emaciated stray dogs. A lone child skipping down the muddy path of a panel-block neighbourhood silenced by demographic blight.”

All this, he notes, serves to “beat down the idea that socialism can produce anything but misery. And they have become so firmly embedded in the popular imagination that, for many, it is difficult to believe otherwise.”

Yet Poland’s Nowa Huta, the sprawling Krakow neighbourhood built around the Vladimir Lenin Steelworks; Russia’s Magnitogorsk, built around its eponymous Iron and Steel Works; or Germany’s Eisenhuttenstadt, established by the socialist German Democratic Republic around a major steel mill, also served as a template for the dignified life that communism envisioned for all working people. However, capitalist restoration shattered their ambitions.

Pawel continues: “How might these cities look today had the process of socialist construction continued uninterrupted? I found one possible answer in Jiayuguan, a remote desert city in China’s Gansu Province built from the ground up around a steel plant.”

The Jiuquan Iron and Steel Corporation (JISCO) was founded in 1958 as part of revolutionary China’s ambitious drive to establish the basis of a modern, industrialised economy. “It was a gruelling effort… Workers who came to the region dug the earth with their hands, trudged through waist-high mud, and carried heavy equipment on their backs. They faced the desert’s biting cold and punishing heat.”

But now, where once there was desert stands China’s fourteenth-largest steel producer. It has an annual capacity of over 11 million tons of crude steel – double the total steel-making capacity of Britain. And the state-owned enterprise has expanded its activities far beyond metals, to agricultural products and industrial manufacturing equipment, packaging and logistics, housing and healthcare, education and even wine, boasting the largest wine cellar in Asia. JISCO also manages the city’s power grid. Its Smart Grid and Localised New Energy Consumption Demonstration Project, powered almost entirely by artificial intelligence, automatically distributes energy, optimising for consumption patterns in real-time, thereby decoupling growth from energy use.

Therefore, he concludes: “Jiayuguan offered proof that the images of decay and despair that many have come to associate with industrial cities in Eastern Europe were not products of their socialist past, but symptoms of their capitalist present.”

Pawel visited Jiayuguan as part of an international delegation organised by the China NGO Network for International Exchanges (CNIE) and Friends of Socialist China that visited China between 25 May and 5 June 2025.

Those of us who were born on the ruins of the socialist Eastern Bloc know how purpose-built, industrial “monotowns” are meant to look.

Rusting steel mills, cracked and potholed roads, weathered sheets of corrugated metal strewn about. Thick smog and poisoned soil. Drunks passed out on the train platform. Emaciated stray dogs. A lone child skipping down the muddy path of a panel-block neighbourhood silenced by demographic blight.

Witnessing China’s socialist transformation

In the following report for Workers World, Ché Marino reflects on the recent delegation to China, organised by Friends of Socialist China and hosted by the China NGO Network for International Exchanges. Travelling through Shaanxi, Gansu, and Shanghai, the delegation explored China’s development, cultural heritage, and political system.

Ché contrasts the remarkable improvements in living standards and development level in China since his first visit in 2009 – from Shanghai’s modern infrastructure to expansive public amenities and smart technologies. Indeed, China’s development “stands in stark contrast to the crumbling infrastructure and growing inequality I see in New York City”.

Ché emphasises that these changes stem not from a capitalist approach but from China’s socialist model, where policies are shaped by the Communist Party to serve the public good. He cites the lifting of 800 million people from poverty, leadership in renewable energy, and peaceful diplomacy as evidence of socialism’s success. Detailed discussions with scholars such as Professor Zhang Weiwei reinforced the idea that Chinese socialism has global relevance, offering an alternative to imperialism and neoliberalism.

The article also highlights China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Global Civilisation Initiative as examples of international cooperation rooted in mutual benefit and respect, especially in China’s relations with Africa. Ché notes the Western media’s distortions about China, contrasting them with what he witnessed firsthand: a people-centred society focused on ecological sustainability and global solidarity.

Ché concludes that China’s socialist path offers vital lessons for the global left, particularly for youth disillusioned by Western capitalism.

In a world facing multiple crises, from climate change to growing inequality, China’s socialist path illuminates a way forward — not as a template to be mechanically copied but as a source of inspiration for all who seek a more just, peaceful and sustainable world.

In May 2025, I had the privilege of joining a delegation organized by Friends of Socialist China, a collective dedicated to fostering international solidarity and understanding of China’s socialist model. Our journey, hosted by the China NGO Network for International Exchanges (CNIE), took us across several regions, including Shaanxi, Gansu and Shanghai.

The purpose of our trip was to engage in dialogues on civilizational exchange, witness China’s remarkable socio-economic transformations and deepen our understanding of the principles underpinning its development. Through visits to historic revolutionary sites, discussions with local leaders and participation in cultural events, we aimed to explore the realities of Chinese socialism and its implications for global solidarity.

As I stepped off the plane in Shanghai in 2025, memories of my first visit in 2009 came flooding back. Sixteen years ago, I arrived as a college student seeking the cheapest study abroad option available. What I found then was unmistakably a developing nation: streets that flooded when it rained, large swaths of underdeveloped public infrastructure and transportation that consisted of hitching rides on motorcycles to reach the nearest train station.

The transformation I witnessed upon my return is nothing short of remarkable. Where once stood only the Oriental Pearl Tower on the Bund now rises a skyline of architectural marvels. The face-scanning technology that allows commuters to enter subway stations with just a glance would have seemed like science fiction during my first visit, when my university ID was merely a laminated photo.

This dramatic metamorphosis represents more than just economic growth; it embodies the success of China’s socialist project with Chinese characteristics. As I traveled through residential areas of Shanghai, I was struck by the quality of life afforded to ordinary citizens: beautiful parks, running tracks with specialized materials that protect joints and extensive bicycle paths. “We don’t have this in New York City,” I found myself repeatedly saying.

China provides a powerful counterexample to the moral rot and immiseration of the capitalist imperial core

The recent Friends of Socialist China delegation to China contributed to a parallel session of the Dialogue on Exchanges and Mutual Learning Among Civilisations, organised by Schwarzman Scholars of Tsinghua University, on the theme of Youth power in dialogue among civilisations.

Creighton Ward, a member of Qiao Collective and of Friends of Socialist China’s US committee, gave the following brief presentation focused on the deteriorating economic, social and political conditions faced by young people in the US, and highlighting all that oppressed and working class communities in the West can learn from Socialist China.

Thank you to the hosts and organizers of this event, I am honored to join you as a representative of Friends of Socialist China and the Qiao Collective. Thank you for your interest in a youth perspective and for convening this dialogue.

The majority of youth in the US, including myself, face a variety of challenges even in the rich imperial core: crumbling infrastructure, the gutting of the administrative state, austerity, the evaporation of pandemic welfare programs and regressive health policies that openly embrace eugenics, skyrocketing rent and food prices, the deregulation of agencies tasked with monitoring food safety and infectious disease.

We are dealing with a social atmosphere of climate nihilism, social atomization to the highest degree, depoliticization, and counterinsurgency.

The imperialist reorganization underway in the second Trump administration has been accompanied by the rapid degradation in quality of life for workers, brazenly genocidal moves domestically and abroad, and a pivot away from the US’ proxy wars in Palestine and Ukraine in preparation for war with China. We should not underestimate the degree of ideological defeat instilled in the western left, or its problems of racial chauvinism and anticommunism.

Yet despite the bleak conditions that youth are confronted with, it is obvious that there have been significant shifts in the global balance of power against US hegemony. We are fortunate to live in a time when the second-largest political party in the world is an experienced and highly capable communist party, and I find myself thinking frequently about how much worse off we would all be if China had not taken the socialist path.

China provides a powerful counterexample to the moral rot and immiseration of the capitalist imperial core. We have much to learn from its antipoverty measures, commitment to building ecological civilization, and autonomous development. Its successes reflect the historical agency of labor in the world’s largest socialist state and the necessity of socialism to restore ecologically harmonious social and economic relations. The Chinese experience demystifies the fact that mass communist politics are the only thing capable of responding to the contradictions of our time.

In the introduction to The Long Transition Towards Socialism and the End of Capitalism, Danish communist Torkil Lauesen said,

“To see the struggle for socialism as a long process of global transformation since the mid-nineteenth century is also somehow comforting on a psychological level for an old man. The struggle and suffering of millions of communists and socialists for the past two hundred years have not been in vain…to be part of this process–a tiny cogwheel in the machinery of transformation–and give it a little push in the right direction seems to be ‘the meaning of life.’”

I hope that my generation and those to come find the necessary courage to accept our place in an intergenerational struggle for peace and ecological society.

Dialogue with Fudan University’s China Institute: Is China really socialist?

The second Friends of Socialist China delegation to China took place from 26 May to 5 June 2025. The delegation, composed of 15 comrades from Britain and the US, visited Xi’an and Yan’an (Shaanxi), Dunhuang and Jiayuguan (Gansu) and Shanghai, visiting important historical sites, learning about China’s development, attending the 4th Dialogue on Exchanges and Mutual Learning among Civilisations, and engaging meeting with a range of organisations.

On Monday 3 June, the delegation participated in a dialogue with the China Institute of Shanghai’s Fudan University, consisting of a panel discussion featuring Professor Zhang Weiwei, Professor Wu Xinwen, and Friends of Socialist China co-editors Carlos Martinez and Keith Bennett, followed by a wide-ranging discussion with the audience.

We reproduce below a report of the event from the China Institute WeChat channel, which has been machine-translated. The full video can be found on the China Academy website, and is embedded below. We will also be publishing a delegation report in due course.

On the afternoon of June 3, Carlos Martinez, co-editor of the Friends of Socialist China website, and Keith Bennett, vice chairman of the British 48 Group Club, led a delegation of Friends of Socialist China to visit the China Institute of Fudan University. Professor Zhang Weiwei, director of the National High-end Think Tank Council and dean of the China Institute of Fudan University, and Professor Wu Xinwen, vice dean, had in-depth dialogues and interactive exchanges with Mr. Martinez, Mr. Bennett and other members of the delegation on Chinese socialism and its global significance.

In his speech, Professor Zhang Weiwei welcomed the Friends of Socialist China delegation and briefly introduced China’s exploration of socialism along the way and its impact on the outside world.

Socialist China’s role in combating imperialist domination

The following article, written by Betsey Piette for Workers World, highlights socialist China’s growing role in challenging US-led imperialist domination and argues that defending China is essential to the global struggle against capitalism.

Betsey stresses the need to foster internationalist consciousness among workers and young activists, linking domestic struggles with global anti-imperialist movements. She critiques the propaganda that falsely equates China and the US as being equivalent capitalist ‘superpowers’, arguing that this narrative obscures the exploitative and chaotic nature of US capitalism while ignoring China’s remarkable achievements under socialism.

Betsey observes that, despite the US’s escalating campaign of military encirclement and economic warfare, China’s economy continues to expand, living standards continue to improve, and its international cooperation continues to deepen, including with the US’s “traditional allies”.

Betsey asserts that China’s planned economy and state-led development – which have resulted not only in vastly increased living standards for the Chinese people but also in China becoming a science and technology powerhouse – offer an inspiring alternative model to capitalist neoliberalism.

The article concludes by calling for systematic defence of China’s socialist system against US threats of war, warning that economic aggression may escalate into military conflict. China’s is a revolution in motion that must be defended by the global working class.

Despite decades of wars and occupations of countries abroad, the U.S. faces a global challenge it is unable to contain. This challenge is multifaceted, but three things stand out:

One is the relentless resistance of the people of Palestine and West Asia in elevating their struggle for a free Palestine.

A second is the challenge from socialist China’s resistance to U.S. capitalist domination of the global economy.

The third is a growing awareness among young people that they have no future under capitalism, with its unchecked environmental catastrophes and its ready acceptance of fascist politicians.

A key challenge for the party and the movements we are part of is how to encourage young activists and workers to develop a more global outlook when it comes to capitalism and imperialism and to see why socialism offers the solution.

Demands are important

“From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” is the most popular demand for Palestine and one that gets the most pushback from the Zionists. This demand doesn’t just raise opposition to the ongoing genocide in Gaza — it supports the future goal for Palestinians. Demands are important.

As we oppose the threat of imperialist war against China, we need to raise awareness about transformation and resulting gains made by socialism in China.

Imperialist propaganda puts an equal sign between the U.S. and China as “superpowers” — as if they are both capitalist countries. Corporate media pundits and politicians promote the lies that “China is repressive, that their economy is failing, that there is widespread unemployment, no opportunities for young people, etc.” It’s like they are looking in a mirror where what is reflected back are the conditions in the U.S., not China.

There is growing need in the West to learn from successes of China’s Five-Year Plans

This article by Keith Lamb, originally published in Global Times, explains the role of Five-Year Plans in China’s economic development. These plans “function as comprehensive blueprints for national social and economic development. They outline goals, strategies, and priorities to address evolving historical challenges. In doing so, they align society toward the common good, chart a course for a better future and function as instruments for strengthening China’s democracy.”

Westerners are primed to think of socialist planning as being a highly bureaucratic and top-down affair. In reality, however, “Chinese citizens are invited to share their suggestions, concerns, and aspirations”, and “experts from a wide range of fields are consulted to ensure the plan’s feasibility”.

Keith explains how, for large-scale and long-term projects, directed toward meeting the needs of the population, state-led planning works far better than laissez-faire neoliberal economics. “Recognising China’s long-term planning as a key instrument in building a democratic reality and a sustainable future, it comes as no surprise that China now leads the world in green technology, electric vehicles, high-speed rail, and desert reclamation. Such achievements would not have been possible if capital, driven by short-term profit cycles, dominated the state at the cost of democracy and environmental well-being.”

The article notes that the current (14th) Five-Year Plan, which draws to a close this year, “has propelled China to the forefront of numerous technologies, particularly in green innovation. Consumer choice has expanded dramatically, and the countryside now boasts modern infrastructure, a thriving tourism sector, and advanced agricultural practices.”

As more Westerners begin to see beyond the corporate media narratives that demonize China, there is a growing need to learn from its successes – or risk continued decline. By prioritizing the common good, China’s Five-Year Plans are democratic, delivering material, social, and increasingly cultural improvements for the majority, not just a select elite.

As China’s 14th Five-Year Plan nears completion, the country is already setting its sights on the next plan, which Chinese President Xi Jinping has stated “must focus on the goal of basically realizing socialist modernization, with a view to building a great country and advancing national rejuvenation” at a Wednesday symposium on China’s economic and social development in the 15th Five-Year Plan period (2026-2030).

China’s Five-Year Plans function as comprehensive blueprints for national social and economic development. They outline goals, strategies, and priorities to address evolving historical challenges. In doing so, they align society toward the common good, chart a course for a better future and function as instruments for strengthening China’s democracy.

General Secretary Tô Lâm: Xi Jinping is a sincere comrade and a close friend of Vietnam

We previously republished the article by Chinese President Xi Jinping published in the Vietnamese newspaper Nhân Dân on April 14, coinciding with his arrival in the country for a state visit. The same day, China’s People’s Daily published an article by To Lam, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam, welcoming Xi’s visit.

In his article, To Lam noted: “This is Comrade Xi Jinping’s fourth visit to Vietnam since he assumed the responsibility of Party General Secretary and President of China, and also his second visit to Vietnam in the 13th-term National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and the 20th-term National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). As the Supreme Leader of the Communist Party of China and the People’s Republic of China who has visited Vietnam the most in history, General Secretary and President Xi Jinping is a sincere comrade and a close friend of Vietnam. The Party, State and people of Vietnam warmly welcome and believe that the visit will definitely be a great success, making a great and important contribution to strongly promoting the tradition of friendship and opening a new era of development in Vietnam-China relations.”

The article continues to note that, in the revolutionary journey that was closely linked from the beginning with countless difficulties, generations of leaders of the two Parties and two countries, directly President Ho Chi Minh and Chairman Mao Zedong, constantly worked hard to cultivate “the close relationship between Vietnam and China, both comrades and brothers”. During many years of revolutionary activities in China, President Ho Chi Minh always received precious sentiments and enthusiastic help from the Chinese communists and people. Under the leadership of President Ho Chi Minh, Vietnamese communists also actively participated in the revolutionary movement in China. The history of standing shoulder to shoulder and sharing joys and sorrows between the revolutionary predecessors of the two countries was a shining example in the revolutionary struggle movement of the world proletariat, laying a solid foundation for the future friendship between Vietnam and China.

On the basis of the reliable relationship between the two Communist Parties, on January 18, 1950, shortly after its establishment, the People’s Republic of China became the first country in the world to officially establish diplomatic relations with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (now the Socialist Republic of Vietnam). Vietnam was also the first Southeast Asian country to officially establish diplomatic relations with China. This was a brilliant historical milestone, opening a new era for the Vietnam-China friendship. Under the guidance of the two Communist Parties, the people of the two countries gave each other sincere and wholehearted help and support, contributing to the victory and success of the national liberation revolution and the cause of national construction and development in the direction of socialism in each country.

In the overall foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, peace, friendship, cooperation and development, multilateralisation and diversification of foreign relations, the Party and State of Vietnam have always persistently and consistently given top priority to and determined to work with the Party and State of China to develop the Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership, the Vietnam-China Community with a shared future that carries strategic significance, for the happiness of the people of the two countries, for the cause of peace and progress of all mankind. The Vietnamese people will never forget the great and effective assistance of the Chinese people in historical periods. Vietnam always considers China’s prosperous development as an opportunity for itself and is pleased and appreciates China’s affirmation of prioritising the development of relations with Vietnam in its neighbourhood diplomacy and considers this a strategic choice of both countries.

The two sides have satisfactorily resolved many issues left over from history and agreed to persistently and properly handle and actively resolve disagreements through peaceful measures on the basis of mutual understanding and respect, in accordance with international law. For the relations between the two Parties and two countries to develop well and comprehensively as they are today, the most important lesson is the sincerity, trust and mutual understanding between the two socialist neighbouring countries under the leadership of the Communist Parties, deeply rooted in the tradition of humanity and respect for human relations of the two peoples; the intellectual vision, determination and action of generations of leaders of the two Parties and two countries; and the joint efforts and participation of the political systems and people of the two countries. The Party, State and People of Vietnam respect and appreciate the sentiments, enthusiasm and especially important great contributions of General Secretary and President Xi Jinping to the Vietnam-China relationship over the past many years.

The world is undergoing profound, fundamental changes of an epochal nature, with deep transformations in every aspect under the impact of major shifts in politics, economy, culture, society, and science and technology. The period from now until 2030, with a longer-term vision toward 2045 and even 2050, the mid-point of the 21st century – key milestones tied to the revolutionary causes of the two Parties and the two countries – will be the most crucial period for shaping a new world order. It will open up great opportunities, while also posing significant challenges for nations. For Vietnam, this is a period of important strategic opportunity, a decisive sprint stage to usher in a new era of national development and to fulfill President Ho Chi Minh’s aspiration of “building a peaceful, unified, independent, democratic, and prosperous Vietnam, making a worthy contribution to the revolutionary cause of the world.” For China, this is a pivotal period and a stepping stone in realising its second centenary goal, building the People’s Republic of China into a modern socialist power that is prosperous, strong, democratic, civilised, harmonious, and beautiful.

The following English translation of Comrade To Lam’s article was originally published by Nhân Dân.

JOINING HANDS TO OPEN A NEW ERA OF DEVELOPMENT OF VIETNAM-CHINA FRIENDSHIP

To Lam, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam

At the invitation of mine and President Luong Cuong of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, comrade Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and President of the People’s Republic of China, will pay a state visit to Vietnam from April 14-15, 2025, in the year when the people of the two countries joyfully celebrate the 75th founding anniversary of diplomatic relations between Vietnam and China (January 18, 1950 – 2025) and the Year of Vietnam-China Humanistic Exchange.

This is comrade Xi Jinping’s fourth visit to Vietnam since he assumed the responsibility of Party General Secretary and President of China, and also his second visit to Vietnam in the 13th-term National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and the 20th-term National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). As the Supreme Leader of the Communist Party of China and the People’s Republic of China who has visited Vietnam the most in history, General Secretary and President Xi Jinping is a sincere comrade and a close friend of Vietnam. The Party, State and people of Vietnam warmly welcome and believe that the visit will definitely be a great success, making a great and important contribution to strongly promoting the tradition of friendship and opening a new era of development in Vietnam – China relations.

I. Vietnam – China relations: History of close friendship, comprehensive cooperation achievements

Vietnam and China are two close neighbours, connected by mountains and rivers, the people of the two countries have shared many similarities in culture and customs, and together cultivated a long-standing traditional friendship that has lasted for thousands of years.

China and Vietnam reaffirm their will to jointly strengthen the cause of socialism in the world

Chinese leader Xi Jinping began his first overseas visit of 2025 with a visit to Vietnam as the first leg of a regional tour that also took him to Malaysia and Cambodia.

Xi landed in the Vietnamese capital Hanoi at noon on April 14, for a state visit at the invitation of General Secretary of the Communist Party of Viet Nam (CPV) Central Committee To Lam and President of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam Luong Cuong. He was greeted on arrival by President Luong Cuong and other senior Vietnamese leaders.

Xi Jinping delivered a written statement on arrival and, on behalf of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese government, and the Chinese people, extended sincere greetings and best wishes to the brotherly CPV, the Vietnamese government and the Vietnamese people.

The Chinese leader noted that this year marks the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPV, the 80th anniversary of the founding of Viet Nam, and the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the South. China and Viet Nam are socialist neighbours connected by mountains and rivers, and a community with a shared future that carries strategic significance. During the arduous years of striving for state independence and national liberation, the two countries fought side by side and supported each other, forging a profound friendship. In exploring a socialist path suitable to their respective national conditions, the two countries have learned from each other and advanced hand-in-hand, demonstrating to the world the bright prospects of the socialist system. This year marks the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Viet Nam and is the China-Viet Nam Year of People-to-People Exchanges. The building of a China-Viet Nam community with a shared future is ushering in new development opportunities. Xi Jinping said he looks forward to taking this visit as an opportunity to have an in-depth exchange of views with Vietnamese leaders and comrades on the overall, strategic, and directional issues concerning the relations between the two parties and countries, as well as on international and regional issues of common interest and concern, and to jointly drawing up a new blueprint for the building of a China-Viet Nam community with a shared future.

Shortly after his arrival, General Secretary of the CPV Central Committee To Lam held a grand welcome ceremony for Xi Jinping. This was followed by talks between the two communist party leaders.

Xi Jinping said that this year marks the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPV, the 80th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (which is now the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam), and the 50th anniversary of the liberation of the South and he extended warm congratulations to the Vietnamese side on behalf of the CPC and the Chinese government. China will support Viet Nam as always in advancing along the socialist path suited to its national conditions, successfully holding the 14th CPV National Congress in 2026, and marching toward the Two Centenary Goals of the CPV and the country.

President Xi noted that this year marks the 75th anniversary of China-Viet Nam diplomatic ties and the China-Viet Nam Year of People-to-People Exchanges. Over the past 75 years, no matter how the international landscape evolved, the two sides had supported each other in the struggle for national independence and liberation, advanced the cause of socialism hand in hand, and forged ahead with modernisation of the two countries, serving as a model of unity and cooperation between socialist countries. Facing a changing and turbulent world, China and Viet Nam staying committed to peaceful development and deepening friendship and cooperation has brought much-needed stability and certainty to the world. Standing on a new historical starting point, the two sides should build on past achievements and join hands to renew their long-standing friendship featuring “camaraderie plus brotherhood.” In line with the overarching goals characterised by “six mores”, namely, stronger political mutual trust, more substantive security cooperation, deeper practical cooperation, more solid popular foundation, closer coordination and collaboration on multilateral affairs, and better management and resolution of differences, the two countries should advance their comprehensive strategic cooperation with high-quality efforts, ensure steady and sustained progress in building the China-Viet Nam community with a shared future, and make new and greater contributions to building a community with a shared future for mankind.

He said that building the China-Viet Nam community with a shared future carries important global significance. The two countries, both following the path of peaceful development and with their over 1.5 billion people marching toward modernisation together will provide an effective safeguard for peace and stability of the region and even the world, and give a strong boost to common development. A single small boat may not survive a ferocious storm; only by working together can we sail steadily and far.

President Xi proposed six measures to deepen the building of the China-Viet Nam community with a shared future:

First, elevating strategic mutual trust to a higher level. Leaders of the two Parties and two countries should visit and communicate with each other frequently like family do.

Second, building more robust security safeguards. The two sides should designate their “3+3” strategic dialogue on diplomacy, defence and public security as a ministerial-level mechanism to strengthen strategic coordination.

Third, expanding higher-quality mutually beneficial cooperation. The two sides should seize the great opportunity of faster formation of new quality productive forces in China and new types of productive forces in Viet Nam to upgrade bilateral practical cooperation. They should work to fully connect their standard-gauge railways, expressways, and smart ports as early as possible, and advance cooperation on AI, IoT and other high technologies.

Fourth, making the people-to-people bond more broad-based. The two sides should seize the opportunity of the China-Viet Nam Year of People-to-People Exchanges this year to hold more friendship activities that reach the communities and resonate with the public, and strengthen cooperation in tourism, culture, media, health, etc. The two countries should further tap into revolutionary resources and tell stories of friendship, and China will invite Vietnamese youths to China in the next three years on red study tours. This will help the people of the two countries, especially the younger generation, understand the great sacrifice that led to the founding of the two socialist countries and the great value of their good-neighbourliness, friendship and cooperation.

Fifth, carrying out closer multilateral coordination. The two sides should jointly safeguard the outcomes of the victory of the Second World War, firmly defend the UN-centreed international system and the international order based on international law, promote an equal and orderly multipolar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalisation, and strengthen cooperation within the framework of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative.

Sixth, engaging in more constructive maritime interactions. The two sides should implement the common understandings reached by the leaders of the two countries, properly handle maritime issues, expand maritime cooperation, make the decision to launch joint development, and work for the early conclusion of the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea.

General Secretary To Lam stated that General Secretary Xi is an outstanding leader of the Chinese people and a great friend of the Vietnamese people. That General Secretary Xi chose Viet Nam as the destination of his first overseas visit this year fully reflects the importance he attaches to Viet Nam-China relations and his support for Viet Nam. This visit will surely become a new milestone in the history of friendly exchanges between the two Parties and two countries and will further advance the building of the China-Viet Nam community with a shared future that carries strategic significance.