The following article from Weaponized Information, published in late December 2025, frames the current period as a pivotal moment for Latin America and the Caribbean, with competing visions of how the region fits into broader geopolitical shifts.
“Within weeks of each other, two texts appeared that quietly announced Latin America and the Caribbean as a decisive front in the struggle over the next world order. China released its third Policy Paper on Latin America and the Caribbean, framing the present as a moment of ‘changes unseen in a century’, with the Global South rising in influence while unilateral coercion destabilises peace and development. At nearly the same time, the Trump administration issued its National Security Strategy, declaring that American power had been ‘restored’, borders militarised, tariffs weaponised, and the Western Hemisphere re-centred as a strategic priority under an unapologetic America First doctrine. These are not parallel statements. They are opposing blueprints.”
China’s policy paper presents the region as an active political subject and an essential force within the rising Global South. It emphasises integration through trade, infrastructure, industrial cooperation, technology transfer, cultural exchange, regional institution-building, local-currency settlement, and engagement via multilateral bodies such as CELAC. In China’s vision, sovereignty is strengthened through diversified partnerships that reduce exposure to US financial vetoes, sanctions and conditional lending.
The Trump administration’s NSS, by contrast, is framed in terms of the restoration and enforcement of US hegemony. It asserts that US power has been “restored” under an unapologetic America First doctrine, militarising borders, weaponising tariffs and engaging in direct military aggression. Such a strategy does not treat Latin America and the Caribbean as a collective political subject at all, but as a managed perimeter and strategic rear base, echoing the Monroe Doctrine without any liberal euphemism. Infrastructure, ports, supply chains, payment systems and information spaces are reclassified as assets to be locked down or insulated from “non-hemispheric competitors”. Security becomes the alibi for expanded coercive reach.
The article highlights that in the lived history of the Americas, “security” has often meant security for capital and compliant oligarchies, enforced through coups, lawfare and counterinsurgency against popular movements.
When China speaks of development without political conditions, it challenges the architecture that has historically converted economic dependency into political obedience. The US response to China’s role is to attempt to narrow options for countries of the region, via the threat of tariffs, sanctions, statecraft, destabilisation, lawfare and – as we are currently witnessing in Venezuela – direct military aggression and the blatant violation of the most basic principles of international law.
The author concludes that the difference between the US and Chinese approach is not about democracy versus authoritarianism, but community versus command. Multipolar integration introduces something disruptive the region has long been denied: the normalisation of choice. The intensity of the US’s reaction signals a historic shift – autonomy is no longer unthinkable. The hemisphere now faces a clear struggle over whether it remains frozen in managed dependency or expands sovereignty through cooperation and plural development paths.
The Hemisphere at the Breaking Point
There are moments when states stop improvising and start publishing doctrine. Not press statements, not campaign slogans, but documents meant to harden intentions into policy and turn instinct into structure. Late 2025 was one of those moments. Within weeks of each other, two texts appeared that quietly announced Latin America and the Caribbean as a decisive front in the struggle over the next world order. China released its third Policy Paper on Latin America and the Caribbean, framing the present as a moment of “changes unseen in a century,” with the Global South rising in influence while unilateral coercion destabilizes peace and development. At nearly the same time, the Trump administration issued its National Security Strategy, declaring that American power had been “restored,” borders militarized, tariffs weaponized, and the Western Hemisphere re-centered as a strategic priority under an unapologetic America First doctrine. These are not parallel statements. They are opposing blueprints.
Continue reading Community or Command: China, the American Pole, and the battle for Latin America