Our next webinar is on 24 September: China encirclement and the imperialist build-up in the Pacific.

Cold Peace with Russia / Cold War with China: Trump’s foreign policy agenda

The following article by C.J. Atkins, published first in People’s World, analyses the apparently drastic differences between the Trump and Biden administrations’ foreign policy agendas, explaining the underlying strategic and ideological agenda behind Trump’s pivot on Ukraine, and debunking the assorted “simplistic hot takes centered on Trump’s admiration for strongmen or conspiratorial allegations that hinge on Russian blackmail and compromising material”.

Atkins gets to the heart of the issue by pointing out that the differences between Republicans and Democrats over Ukraine are “evidence of a split within the US ruling class which has exploded into the open. At the heart of that split are differences over how to resolve the long-term crisis of US capitalism and confront China’s rise to prominence in the world economy.” He explains that the Washington foreign policy establishment has spent years attempting to weaken Russia, seeing “the further extension of US power in Europe as an important milestone along the road to dealing with China”. Trump on the other hand aims to “take confrontation with Russia off the table”, considering it an “expensive distraction”.

The author further opines that Trump’s tariffs and coercive measures against Canada, Mexico, and Latin America are aimed at bringing those parts of the world “into a tighter embrace with the US economy”, consolidating a trade bloc that excludes and attempts to isolate China. That is, they extend the “decoupling” agenda pursued during Trump 1.0 as well as by the Biden administration.

With US monopoly capital increasingly feeling the competition from China, “the foreign policy being pursued by the Trump administration is an expression of the fears of a large section of the capitalist class, and those fears are why we have witnessed a rush toward the Trump camp by industrial sectors which had previously been skeptical of or neutral toward him.”

If the war in Ukraine can be swiftly ended, this is undoubtedly positive. But people should not think Trump’s overtures to Russia reflect some overarching orientation towards peace. Aggression against Russia is set to be replaced with “a new Cold War against China, the carving up of the world into blocs on behalf of big corporations, more destruction in the Middle East, and the ditching of democracy at home—along with all the things that entails, like labor laws, women’s rights, racial equality, and more.”

Trump labeled President Volodymyr Zelensky a “dictator” and called him out for not holding elections earlier this week. He said the Ukrainian leader only wants to “keep the gravy train” of U.S. money rolling in, and blamed him for starting the war with Russia.

Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, was said to be committed to “common sense.” The White House declared him to be someone Trump can “work together” with “very closely.”

What a world of difference from just a few months ago when a different U.S. president called Zelensky a “courageous and determined” defender of democracy and denounced Putin as a “war criminal.”

This dramatic turnaround is just the latest example of the about-face that’s happened in U.S. foreign policy over the last several weeks—a change that’s sparked confusion and bewilderment as 80 years of U.S. imperial strategy is seemingly being thrown overboard.

In Europe, Vice President J.D. Vance recently trashed political leaders there for not working together with fascists and initiated what one commentator called “the opening salvo in a trans-Atlantic divorce proceeding.” Snubbing German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Trump’s V.P. met with Alice Weidel, leader of the neo-Nazi Alternative for Germany party, instead.

Continue reading Cold Peace with Russia / Cold War with China: Trump’s foreign policy agenda

Wang Yi: The Global South should remain at the forefront of improving the global governance system

Following his visit to Ireland, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi proceeded to New York, where, on February 18, on the initiative of China, which holds the rotating Chair of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for February, the UNSC held a high-level meeting on the theme, ‘Practicing Multilateralism, Reforming and Improving Global Governance’. The meeting was chaired by Wang Yi and representatives from over 100 countries participated.

In his address to the meeting Wang Yi noted:

The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Eighty years ago, our forefathers, with strenuous struggle and tremendous sacrifice, won the great victory of the Anti-Fascist war; the international community drew painful lessons from the scourge of two world wars; and the United Nations was founded. Multilateralism gradually became the main trend of the times…

The past 80 years is a period of accelerated advancement in world multipolarity and economic globalisation, a period that has witnessed people across the world forging ahead and meeting challenges together, and also a period during which the Global South has been rising and growing in strength. Meanwhile, although human society has emerged from the shadows of the Cold War and moved beyond the bipolar standoff, comprehensive peace and shared prosperity remain elusive. In the third decade of the 21st century, peace and development remains a long-term, arduous task… In the face of the profoundly changing international landscape, the Global South should not only achieve the historic feat of moving toward modernisation together but also remain at the forefront of improving the global governance system.

To this end, he made four proposals:

  • Upholding sovereign equality. All countries are equal, regardless of size or strength. This is the foremost principle in the UN Charter. In advancing global governance, all countries have the right to participate as equals, make decisions as equals, and benefit as equals. We must respect the development paths chosen independently by people of all countries, uphold the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, and not impose one’s will upon others.
  • Upholding fairness and justice. Since the end of World War II, a large number of countries in the Global South have emerged on the world stage, which has revealed growing incompatibility and irrationality in the global governance structure. Under the new circumstances, international affairs should no longer be monopolised by a small number of countries. Countries in the Global South have the right to speak up for and defend their legitimate rights and interests. The fruits of development should no longer be taken by just a few countries. People of all countries have the right to a happy life.
  • Upholding solidarity and coordination. The Security Council must rise above narrow-minded geopolitical considerations, champion the spirit of solidarity and cooperation, fulfil its duties conferred by the UN Charter, and effectually play its role for the maintenance of international peace and security.
  • Upholding an action-oriented approach.  In the face of protracted wars, loss of innocent lives, and challenges brought by new technologies, UN agencies should seek solutions rather than chant slogans. Gaza and the West Bank are the homeland of the Palestinian people, not a bargaining chip in political trade-offs. The Palestinians governing Palestine is an important principle that must be followed in the post-conflict governance of Gaza.

Following the meeting, Wang Yi answered questions from the media. On the issue of Gaza, he said that it is important to recognise that the world is facing more than just the Ukraine crisis. Other hotspots, including the Gaza conflict, also require the international community’s attention and should not be marginalised.

Behind the Gaza conflict lies the unresolved Palestinian question. More than 70 years have passed since the UN adopted the resolution to establish two States, Palestine and Israel, but the two-state solution has only been partially implemented. The State of Israel was established long ago, but the Palestinian people still do not have their own country. Many are displaced, becoming refugees. The Palestinian question remains at the core of the Middle East issue. Palestinian factions should truly implement the Beijing Declaration and achieve unity and self-strength. All parties in the Middle East should transcend their differences and support Palestine’s statehood. The United Nations should take action to admit Palestine as a full member.

The following articles were originally published on the website of the Chinese Foreign Ministry.

Remarks by H.E. Wang Yi at the United Nations Security Council High-Level Meeting “Practicing Multilateralism, Reforming and Improving Global Governance”

Feb. 19 (MFA) — Your Excellency Secretary General António Guterres,
Colleagues,

I would like to thank Secretary General Guterres for attending this meeting and for his briefing.

The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Eighty years ago, our forefathers, with strenuous struggle and tremendous sacrifice, won the great victory of the Anti-Fascist war; the international community drew painful lessons from the scourge of two world wars; and the United Nations was founded. Multilateralism gradually became the main trend of the times. New historical chapters were opened in global governance.

The past 80 years is a period of accelerated advancement in world multipolarity and economic globalization, a period that has witnessed people across the world forging ahead and meeting challenges together, and also a period during which the Global South has been rising and growing in strength. Meanwhile, although human society has emerged from the shadows of the Cold War and moved beyond the bipolar standoff, comprehensive peace and shared prosperity remain elusive. In the third decade of the 21st century, peace and development remains a long-term, arduous task.

The 80 years of history is enlightenment enough: In the face of the turbulent and changing international landscape, the U.N.-centered international system provides important safeguards for the cause of human progress, and the vision of multilateralism with coordination and cooperation as its cornerstone is the best solution to global issues. In the face of the historical trend of shared future, no country can prosper alone; mutually beneficial cooperation is the right choice. In the face of the profoundly changing international landscape, the Global South should not only achieve the historic feat of moving toward modernization together, but also remain at the forefront of improving the global governance system.

Mr. Secretary General,
Colleagues,

To chart our course for the future, we should not forget why we started out in the beginning. Today, transformation not seen in a century is accelerating across the world, geopolitical conflicts keep escalating, multiple crises are emerging, and instability and uncertainty are increasingly prominent. In a time of intensifying turbulence and transformation, we need, more than ever, to remind ourselves of the founding mission of the U.N., reinvigorate true multilateralism, and speed up the efforts to build a more just and equitable global governance system. In this connection, China proposes the following:

First, upholding sovereign equality. All countries are equal, regardless of size or strength. This is the foremost principle in the U.N. Charter. In advancing global governance, all countries have the right to participate as equals, make decisions as equals, and benefit as equals. We must respect the development paths chosen independently by people of all countries, uphold the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, and not impose one’s will upon others. We must practice international rule of law, ensure the effective implementation of international law, and reject double standards and selective application. Resolutions of the Security Council are binding, and should be observed by all countries. The Security Council is entrusted with authority, and such authority should be upheld by all countries. Any act of bullying, trickery or extortion is a flagrant violation of the basic norms of international relations. Any unilateral sanction that circumvents Security Council authorization lacks legal basis, defies justification and contradicts common sense.

Second, upholding fairness and justice. A critical part of global governance is to ensure that justice prevails. Since the end of World War II, a large number of countries in the Global South have emerged on the world stage, which has revealed growing incompatibility and irrationality in the global governance structure. Under the new circumstances, international affairs should no longer be monopolized by a small number of countries. Countries in the Global South have the right to speak up for and defend their legitimate rights and interests. The fruits of development should no longer be taken by just a few countries. People of all countries have the right to a happy life. The reform of the Security Council should continue to emphasize democratic consultation, increase the representation and say of developing countries, especially African countries, and effectively redress historical injustice.

Third, upholding solidarity and coordination. Promoting international cooperation is an important purpose of the U.N. Charter, and a sure path toward improving global governance. Countries should commit to the principle of extensive consultation and joint contribution for shared benefit, replace confrontation with coordination, prevent lose-lose through win-win cooperation, and break down small circles with greater solidarity. Members cannot just sit by and watch multilateral institutions become dysfunctional and ineffective due to their own failure to cooperate. The Security Council must rise above narrow-minded geopolitical considerations, champion the spirit of solidarity and cooperation, fulfill its duties conferred by the U.N. Charter, and effectually play its role for the maintenance of international peace and security.

Continue reading Wang Yi: The Global South should remain at the forefront of improving the global governance system

China advocates equality among all countries regardless of size

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has outlined his country’s view of multipolarisation in his address, delivered on February 14, to the 61st Munich Security Conference.

In four succinct points, without mentioning any country by name, but clearly drawing firm and definite lines of demarcation with the bullying and hegemonic practices of the United States in particular, Wang sets out China’s building blocks for an equal and orderly multipolar world:

  • It is important to advocate equal treatment. Rivalry between big powers had brought disaster to humanity, as evidenced by the lessons of the two world wars in the not-so-distant past. Whether it is the colonial system or the core-periphery structure, unequal orders are bound to meet their demise. Independence and autonomy are sought across the world, and greater democracy in international relations is unstoppable. It is in this principle that China advocates equality among all countries regardless of size and calls for increasing the representation and say of developing countries in the international system.
  • It is important to respect international rule of law.  The world today is witnessing incessant chaos and confusion, and one important reason is that some countries believe might makes right and have opened a Pandora’s box marked the law of the jungle. In reality, all countries, regardless of size or strength, are stakeholders in international rule of law. Without norms and standards, one may be at the table yesterday but end up on the menu tomorrow. Major countries must take the lead in honouring their words and upholding rule of law, and must not say one thing but do another, or engage in zero-sum game.
  • It is important to practice multilateralism. In the face of emerging global challenges, no country can stay unaffected, and the “we first” approach in international relations only leads to a lose-lose result.
  • It is important to pursue openness and mutual benefit. The multipolar world should be one where all countries develop together. Protectionism offers no way out, and arbitrary tariffs produce no winners. Decoupling deprives one of opportunities, and a “small yard with high fences” only ends up constraining oneself.

We reprint the full text of the speech below. It was originally published on the website of the Chinese Foreign Ministry.

Keynote Speech by H.E. Wang Yi
At the 61st Munich Security Conference
Conversation with China

Munich, February 14, 2025

Your Excellency Chairman Christoph Heusgen,
Dear Friends,
Colleagues,

The world we live in is an increasing mix of turbulence and transformation. Many people are asking the same question: Where is it headed? If I may borrow the theme of this year’s Munich Security Report, it is headed toward multipolarization. When the United Nations was founded 80 years ago, it had only 51 member states; today, 193 countries ride in the same big boat. A multipolar world is not only a historical inevitability; it is also becoming a reality.

Will multipolarity bring chaos, conflict and confrontation? Does it mean domination by major countries and the strong bullying the weak? China’s answer is, we should work for an equal and orderly multipolar world. This is another major proposition put forward by President Xi Jinping, and it represents our sincere expectation for a multipolar world. China will surely be a factor of certainty in this multipolar system, and strive to be a steadfast constructive force in a changing world.

Here, I want to make four points. 

First, it is important to advocate equal treatment. Rivalry between big powers had brought disaster to humanity, as evidenced by the lessons of the two world wars in the not-so-distant past. Whether it is the colonial system or the core-periphery structure, unequal orders are bound to meet their demise. Independence and autonomy is sought across the world, and greater democracy in international relations is unstoppable. Equal rights, equal opportunities and equal rules should become the basic principles of a multipolar world.

Continue reading China advocates equality among all countries regardless of size

A new multipolar world or a new cold war? Latin America, China and the rising global South

In the following article, Ben Chacko, Editor of the Morning Star, analyses the position of Latin America as a frontline in the struggle for multipolarity, a struggle which is heavily impacted by the rise of China.

Ben notes that: “Many of the Latin American revolutionary projects that inspire us… are independence struggles as well as class struggles. The two are bound together… Decolonisation remained partial if it was not accompanied by social revolution because formal independence did not necessarily give a country control of its own resources if private property relations, maintaining ultimate Western ownership in many cases, stayed in place… This explains the close association between communist and decolonisation movements through the 20th century.”

The confrontation between the Global North and the Global South runs through the class struggle in country after country in Latin America, reflected not least through the prism of race – the struggle in Venezuela, Peru, Bolivia and other countries of the Afro-descendant and Indigenous oppressed against white supremacism – as well as being key to the continent’s relationship with the United States.

Therefore, Ben argues, “Building a multipolar world is a decolonisation process: one in which countries prevented till now from exercising full sovereignty because their resources are controlled by others are able to ‘stand up,’ as Chairman Mao put it in 1949. They are able to do so because China’s peaceful rise has created an economic counterweight to the West and the network of financial institutions and treaties that maintain Western hegemony.”

The article was originally published in the Morning Star and is based on a talk given by Ben at London’s Latin America Conference held on February 8.  The panel, on ‘A new multipolar world or a new Cold War? Latin America, China and the rising Global South’ was also addressed by Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez and Isaac Saney, Associate Professor and Coordinator of Black and African Diaspora Studies at Canada’s Dalhousie University, and author of  ‘Cuba, Africa, and Apartheid’s End: Africa’s Children Return!’

During the student-led protests that shook Chile a few years ago, a prominent rallying cry was “neoliberalism was born in Chile and will die in Chile.”

It points to the front-line place Latin America has had when it comes to clashes between economic systems and between imperialism and decolonisation. Many of the Latin American revolutionary projects that inspire us, that lots of us come to Adelante! to hear more about, are independence struggles as well as class struggles.

The two are bound together. The poverty and underdevelopment of much of the Third World is down to the domination of economies by Western corporations controlling their natural resources.

Continue reading A new multipolar world or a new cold war? Latin America, China and the rising global South

A multipolar world or a New Cold War?

The following text is based on a presentation given by Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez at the Latin America Conference held in London on 8 February 2025. The panel also included Morning Star editor Ben Chacko and Canadian author and academic Isaac Saney; it was chaired by Carole Regan of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign.

The text attempts to clarify what multipolarity is, as well as addressing the role of China and the rising threat of military confrontation between the US and China.

What is multipolarity?

‘Multipolarity’ is a word that is heard increasingly often, but its meaning is not well or widely understood, including on the left.

There are many people who think that multipolarity simply means a return to the era of intense inter-imperialist rivalry that characterised the period leading up to World War 1. In the early 20th century, the situation was ‘multipolar’ in the sense that there was more than one imperialist country; Britain, the US, Germany, France, Russia and Japan all represented poles of power and were competing fiercely among themselves for control of the world’s land, resources, labour and markets. Needless to say, there was nothing progressive or peaceful about this conjuncture.

However, multipolarity as defined in the modern era does not refer simply to a geopolitical situation with more than one major power; it is more than a shift away from the US-dominated unipolarity of the 1990s. Multipolarity includes the rise of the Global South; it insists on the principle of equality between nations; and it envisions an end to the system of hegemony and domination, whereby one country (or group of countries) can impose its will on others.

In this sense, we could say that the situation in 1914 was actually unipolar: it was a world system where power was concentrated among a small handful of imperialist countries, albeit with significant contradictions and rivalry between them.

Multipolarity sees Latin America as a centre of power. It sees Africa, West Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, East Asia, the Caribbean and the Pacific as centres of power. Its multilateral organisations include not just the G7, NATO and EU, but also BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the African Union (AU), the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the G77, and so on.

This geopolitical shift reflects a rapidly-changing global economic landscape. For example, BRICS countries now have a larger share of the world’s GDP than the G7 countries when measured by purchasing power parity (PPP). This is a dramatic transformation compared to the beginning of the 21st century, when G7 countries made up 43 percent of global GDP by PPP, compared to the BRICS countries’ 21 percent.

So when we talk about multipolarity, we’re not talking simply about a change of cast in the imperialist world system, such as Spanish/Portuguese colonialism giving way to Dutch colonialism, or Dutch colonialism giving way to British colonialism, or British colonialism giving way to US imperialism. Rather, multipolarity represents an end to the whole system of domination and hegemony; an end to the 500-year-old division of the world into oppressor and oppressed nations. It means undermining imperialism and depriving the imperialist countries of their power to determine the fate of the rest of the world.

Continue reading A multipolar world or a New Cold War?

Understanding the role of BRICS+ in global progress

In the following important article, Dr. Jenny Clegg sets out and responds to eight key criticisms and questions concerning the BRICS+ cooperation mechanism – its nature, significance and role -and argues that, in representing a significant challenge to US hegemony, it contributes to the movement towards a multipolar world.

Noting that, the rise of the BRICS+ has divided left opinion, Jenny writes that: “Critics see, at best, a collection of disorderly capitalist states which, tied to the dollar and lacking political coherence, are in no position to form a real alternative to the existing global order and, in fact, do not even aspire to do so.” She acknowledges that: “The significance of BRICS+ should not be exaggerated: they are in no position to serve as a counterweight to the advanced capitalist states.”

However, “BRICS+ is, in fact, the driver of global growth. In the last 10 years, China and India alone comprised 47 per cent of world growth; now, according to the IMF, the average growth of the BRICS+ this year will be close to 4 per cent while the sluggish G7 barely makes 1 per cent.”

And whilst “talk of dedollarisation has indeed been overhyped… the group is developing a sanctions-proof cross-border payments system and has seen a notable increase in intra-BRICS trading in local currencies, greatly reducing losses in exchange rate charges and currency fluctuations. With BRICS+ partners now added to the scheme, potentially 30-plus per cent of global trade could begin to transition away from using the dollar.”

Turning to the accusation that “the larger BRICS+ members are just pursuing sub-imperialist and neo-imperialist agendas,” whilst acknowledging that “ambitions of national aggrandisement are at play among some of the more powerful BRICS members”, she argues that, “BRICS+ has emerged amidst a rise in diplomatic activity within the developing regions and should not be divorced from this wider momentum in the Global South. To assume that smaller developing countries are passively succumbing to subordinate positions under regional hegemons is frankly patronising.

“From the proposals of Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley on tackling debt to the former colonised states’ demands for reparations at the recent Commonwealth Summit to the Caribbean Islands’ proposals for a fund to cover the damage caused by extreme climate events, to name but a few, smaller developing countries are asserting their own agency.”

Jenny also argues that the BRICS+ approach is dual: developing cooperative economic arrangements step by step directed at strengthening the development of member states, so shifting the overall material economic and political balance to build pressure on the World Bank, IMF and WTO to become more inclusive.

“To dismiss this incremental approach as global social democracy, diluting true socialist opposition to imperialism, is to fail to come to terms with the reality of unequal world power so as to develop a concrete strategy for change.”

Taking issue with those who assail BRICS+ for a supposed lack of sufficient anti-imperialist rigour, Jenny responds that:

“It is in its resistance to taking sides in the US’s new cold war that BRICS+ is of such immense significance – a brake on the US-led path of war. Each member brings its own perspective – non-aligned, multi-aligned, anti-imperialist — to the organisation, but no matter how cautious and tentative their individual foreign policies may be, these are all to be valued as ways of exercising independence against the US new cold war.

“It is in the diversity of the BRICS+ that its strength lies. This is not about pro- and anti-Western blocs –  the real choice is between peaceful coexistence and the road to a third world war.”

Answering those who say that BRICS+ is too riven by disputes among its members to build a peaceful world, she draws attention to the recent agreement, on the eve of the BRICS+ summit in Kazan, between key members China and India on the management of their border dispute.

She concludes, in words that have only acquired even more cogency and urgency with US President-elect Donald Trump’s threat to impose 100% tariff rates on the BRICS+ nations should they attempt to develop alternatives to dollar hegemony:

Measuring BRICS+ against preconceived notions of socialism or even anti-imperialism is abstract and utopian, absent of any strategy to end US hegemony and Western dominance. It is in removing these obstacles that the door to socialist advance can be opened.

Taking BRICS+ out of context to knock them down is to wave a false red flag in the face of the very real dangers of war. Now, as Donald Trump brings new international challenges, and with liberal internationalism beyond resuscitation, it is imperative for the left to look South, not least to BRICS+ with its offer of a viable progressive project.

Jenny is an anti-war activist and China specialist. The author of ‘China’s Global Strategy: Towards a multipolar world’ (published by Pluto Press), she is also a member of our advisory group. Her article was first published by the Morning Star.

THE Brics+ Kazan summit in Russia stood out as a pillar of stability in an increasingly volatile and dangerous world. With wars raging in Ukraine and the Middle East, pushing the UN system to breakdown, it kept the spirit of multilateralism alive.

Gathering leaders and representatives from 36 countries, the meeting was the first for the enlarged grouping, which last year added UAE, Ethiopia, Egypt and Iran to the existing Russia, China, India, Brazil and South Africa.

The rise of the Brics+ has divided left opinion. Supporters claim it to be transformative, tipping the global balance against the G7 and spelling the end of US hegemony as bearers of a new international financial order and a more peaceful world.

Critics see, at best, a collection of disorderly capitalist states which, tied to the dollar and lacking political coherence, are in no position to form a real alternative to the existing global order and, in fact, do not even aspire to do so.

The significance of Brics+ should not be exaggerated: they are in no position to serve as a counterweight to the advanced capitalist states.

Brics+ comprises 33 per cent of world GDP (purchasing power parity), overtaking the G7 at 29 per cent. Nevertheless, given their members’ much lower per capita income and technological advancement, they remain far weaker.

What should not be missed here, though, is that Brics+ is, in fact, the driver of global growth. In the last 10 years, China and India alone comprised 47 per cent of world growth; now, according to the IMF, the average growth of the Brics+ this year will be close to 4 per cent while the sluggish G7 barely makes 1 per cent.

The adoption of partnerships for countries at Kazan as a stage to full membership also considerably amplifies Brics+ influence. The as-yet unconfirmed list of 13 partners includes Nigeria and Algeria, making all five of Africa’s largest economies part of the Brics+ zone while bringing in Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam, as well as Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to extend Brics+ influence across the whole of Asia, a continent containing the world’s fastest-growing regions.

The Brics+ real significance lies in the future: in 10 to 15 years, China may become the leading world economic power; India, number three; new partner Indonesia, number five; with other new partners Malaysia, Nigeria and Thailand moving up the top 20.

Right now, with its reach into the different developing continents opening up new corridors of trade and communication, Brics+ is well placed to shape the multipolar future.

Predictions of Brics+ replacing the dollar-based global financial system are no more than a pipe dream.

Brics came together originally for economic reasons: to share opportunities for development, trade and investment, their large populations offering great mutual potential. Following the West’s freeze on Russian assets after its invasion of Ukraine, concerns about reducing reliance on the US dollar also became a priority.

Talk of dedollarisation has indeed been overhyped. The Brics+ aim as a collective is to end dollar hegemony — not to replace the dollar system but to reduce dependence on it. To this end, the group is developing a sanctions-proof cross-border payments system and has seen a notable increase in intra-Brics trading in local currencies, greatly reducing losses in exchange rate charges and currency fluctuations.

With Brics+ partners now added to the scheme, potentially 30-plus per cent of global trade could begin to transition away from using the dollar. Such a shift could spark the sell-off of US dollars on a large scale.

The fact is that much of world’s future development will not take place under US economic hegemony. Put another way, the Brics+ trajectory is towards gradually breaking the US monopoly of financial power.

Continue reading Understanding the role of BRICS+ in global progress

China and Brazil working to shape a just, multipolar world order

In the following article, published in China Daily on 19 November 2024, Efe Can Gürcan describes the history of the G20 and argues that Brazil’s presidency of the organisation – and its leadership of the G20 summit that took place this week – “could produce a pivotal transformation in the G20, placing stronger emphasis on Global South perspectives”.

Efe notes the complemenarities of Brazil and China’s development strategies. For example: “Brazil’s Ecological Transition Plan, which has garnered global attention for its ambitious goals and strongly resonates with China’s shared vision of an ecological civilization.” Meanwhile, China is Brazil’s largest trading partner, and Brazil is China’s principal source of agricultural imports.

On foreign policy issues, “both countries, as BRICS members, share similar positions … including on the Palestine and the Ukraine crises, and both advocate for a multipolar world based on fairness and justice.” As such, “by engaging more closely with China, Brazil could amplify its role in shaping a just, multipolar world order and in bringing the Global South’s voice to the forefront”.

The results of the G20 summit and the bilateral meetings between Presidents Xi Jinping and Lula da Silva certainly support the vision Efe outlines. Xi and Lula announced on Wednesday the elevation of their countries’ bilateral ties to a “community with a shared future for a more just world and a more sustainable planet”, and committed to deepening coordination between the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Brazil’s development strategies.

The two “agreed that the relationship is at its best period in history, is growing stronger in global, strategic and long-term significance, and has become an exemplar of common progress, solidarity and cooperation between major developing countries” and that “China and Brazil should also step forward to their historic missions of leading efforts to safeguard the common interests of Global South countries and making the international order more just and equitable”, as reported by China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

China and Brazil’s blossoming relationship is based on mutual respect, friendship and solidarity, and a shared determination to struggle against poverty, against war, for sustainable development, and for a multipolar world. This is a relationship that is not only of great benefit to the two countries, but to the world as a whole.

Dr Efe Can Gürcan is currently a Visiting Scholar at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and is a member of the Friends of Socialist China Britain Committee.

With the theme “Building a Just World and a Sustainable Planet”, Brazil’s G20 presidency provides a unique chance to shape the global agenda at a pivotal time. This role is far from ceremonial — unlike organizations with a permanent secretariat or founding charter, the G20 relies on the country holding the presidency to set priorities, coordinate initiatives, and drive forward discussions. This time, Brazil’s leadership will steer this global forum, which represents over 85 percent of the world’s GDP, three-quarters of international trade, and two-thirds of the global population.

The G20’s history is rooted in responses to the crises of Western-led global capitalism. It emerged initially as a meeting of finance ministers in 1999. The G20 was a response to the devastating 1998 Asian financial crisis, which underscored how global economic turbulence could cascade across borders — especially impacting the developing world. Although the concept of a forum like the G20 emerged within Western circles, G7 leaders initially resisted it, preferring smaller, more private summits to maintain focus and control. Yet, the global call for a more inclusive cooperation mechanism grew louder in 2008, when the US-triggered global financial crisis exposed the limits of Western countries’ ability to stabilize markets and respond to crises alone. Holding its first summit of heads of state in 2008, the G20 ultimately evolved into a “crisis steering group”, which convenes the world’s largest economies, including emerging players that can no longer be sidelined in addressing global problems. As such, the G20’s purpose has expanded beyond finance to encompass pressing global issues such as climate change, economic inequality and sustainable development. Brazil, a key actor in Latin America’s historic “Pink Tide”, a leader in South-South cooperation and champion of multipolarity, is positioned to make the G20 more inclusive and effective in addressing these global challenges.

While the G7 — a smaller, more exclusive club of the wealthiest Western nations — was originally conceived to steer global governance, its legitimacy has waned over time. Its elitist composition, reflective of narrow Western interests, has led to criticism that it excludes key emerging economies. The G7’s exclusive nature was further cemented when it expelled Russia following the 2014 Ukraine crisis, reinforcing its status as a Western bloc rather than a truly global coalition aligned with the common destiny of humanity. The G20, on the other hand, includes a broader array of voices, providing a necessary balance and inclusivity in tackling today’s complex, borderless challenges, such as climate change and inequality.

Brazil’s leadership could produce a pivotal transformation in the G20, placing stronger emphasis on Global South perspectives and potentially transforming it from a North-South platform into a more democratic South-North forum. Brazil’s commitment to inclusive, sustainable development has been formalized in Brazil’s Ecological Transition Plan, which has garnered global attention for its ambitious goals and strongly resonates with China’s shared vision of an ecological civilization. In 2023, Brazil generated an impressive 91 percent of its electricity from clean sources, far surpassing global averages and even its own target of 84 percent by 2030. It also reduced Amazon deforestation to a six-year low, making strides in preserving the planet’s largest rainforest.

Beyond environmental leadership, Brazil is advocating for progressive reforms to reduce inequality and increase global governance inclusivity. Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has proposed a 2-percent billionaire tax to combat global inequality and will likely renew his call for reforms to the United Nations, pushing for a more effective and representative Security Council, especially in light of recent failures to address urgent global crises, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The proposals exhibit a striking synergy with China’s Global Development Initiative and Global Security Initiative.

Meanwhile, Brazil’s continued economic stability and leadership status are closely tied to its relationship with China. China is Brazil’s largest export destination, and from 2007 to 2023, Chinese foreign direct investment in Brazil totaled $73.3 billion, with significant investment in Brazil’s electricity sector, which is crucial given Brazil’s recent energy challenges. China is also one of Brazil’s top agricultural export destinations, vital for an agribusiness sector that makes up almost 25 percent of Brazil’s GDP. President Xi Jinping’s upcoming visit to Brazil during the G20 summit is an opportune moment to further enhance these economic ties and potentially encourage Brazil’s participation in the Belt and Road Initiative. Indeed, recent developments ahead of President Xi’s visit, such as Brazil’s offer to allow Shanghai-based satellite manufacturer SpaceSail access to a space base in the northeast of the country, hint at Brazil’s increasing openness to closer cooperation with China. Despite Brazil’s new tariffs imposed on Asian imports of iron, steel and fiber optic cable in October, this gesture toward collaboration shows Brazil’s recognition of China’s strategic importance.

The collaboration potential of the two countries strongly resonates in broader Latin America, where inadequate infrastructure and weak connectivity remain significant obstacles to regional development. The infrastructure gap in Latin America is vast, requiring an estimated $250 billion in investment annually. Brazil, as Latin America’s largest economy, has historically led efforts to promote infrastructure connectivity through the now-defunct Initiative for the Integration of the Regional Infrastructure of South America within the Union of South American Nations. However, sustaining Brazil’s own growth and supporting regional development will require more resources than Brazil currently has due to economic and political challenges that have affected its capacity since the mid-2010s. Chinese cooperation through the BRI could be key in meeting these infrastructure needs. Brazil’s hesitance to formally join the BRI risks stalling not only its infrastructure progress but also its role as a regional leader and its economy’s competitiveness on the global stage.

One cannot but notice a strong synergy between Brazil and China’s foreign policy objectives. Both countries, as BRICS members, share similar positions on major international issues, including the Palestine and the Ukraine crises, and both advocate for a multipolar world based on fairness and justice. This alignment complements Brazil’s G20 agenda, reinforcing its commitment to South-South cooperation and to building a community with a shared future for mankind. By engaging more closely with China, Brazil could amplify its role in shaping a just, multipolar world order and in bringing the Global South’s voice to the forefront.

The Global South, with China in the forefront, is the key driver towards true multilateralism

The China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), a specialised research institution directly under China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy Studies Centre of CIIS, hosted a launch on November 11 of their latest report, entitled ‘True Multilateralism: Conceptual Development, Core Essence and China’s Practice’.

Held at Beijing’s Diaoyutai State Guest House, the meeting was attended by more than 220 people from around 70 countries, including diplomats from 66 embassies in Beijing and representatives from three international organisations. 18 embassies were represented by their Ambassador or Head of Mission. They were joined by Chinese officials, scholars, researchers and students, along with foreign students studying in China.

Friends of Socialist China Co-Editor Keith Bennett attended and spoke at the conference, representing the Institute of Independence Studies and its Xi Jinping Thought Study Group.

Speakers at the event were:

  • Chen Bo: Secretary General, Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy Studies Centre; and President, China Institute of International Studies (CIIS)
  • Miao Deyu: Assistant Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, China
  • Mauricio Hurtado: Ambassador of Chile to China
  • Ahmed Mustafa Fahmy:  Head, League of Arab States’ China Representative Office
  • Oleg Kopylov: Deputy Secretary General, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)
  • Ren Hongyan: Special Research Fellow, Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy Studies Centre
  • Chhem Kieth Rethy: Senior Minister, Royal Government of Cambodia; Chairman, Economic, Social and Cultural Council, Cambodia
  • Wu Zhicheng: President, Institute of International Strategy, Party School of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (National Academy of Governance)
  • Keith Bennett: Xi Jinping Thought Study Group, Institute for Independence Studies, UK
  • Wang Lei: Deputy Director, Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
  • Gafar Kara Ahmed: Researcher, China-Arab Research Centre on Reform and Development, Shanghai International Studies University; former Sudanese Ambassador to China; and
  • Jia Lieying: Dean, School of International Relations & Director, UN Research Centre, Beijing Language and Culture University.

The full text of the Report may be found here.

The following is the text of Keith’s remarks to the meeting.

I welcome the release of your report today. Long ago, Engels, in his preface to ‘The Peasant War in Germany’, stressed the need to constantly “keep in mind that socialism, having become a science, demands the same treatment as every other science – it must be studied.”

This is why the foreign policy of a major socialist country like China, whilst naturally deciding each issue on its merits and specific characteristics, cannot be approached and determined in an ad hoc or impressionistic way but rather on the basis of the most advanced theory, itself based on the summation of long years of practice, which at the present time means the study and application of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy.

President Xi Jinping always reminds us that we are witnessing and experiencing changes unseen in a century. We can see the veracity and profundity of his observation by looking at practically any field of human exploration and endeavour, most recently, for example, the immense opportunities and challenges presented by AI.

But most fundamentally, I believe that the significance of viewing things from this century-long paradigm is that it is just a little over 100 years since socialism graduated from being an ideal to becoming a modern programme of nation building. The concept of changes unseen in a century addresses above all the global ramifications of that historical turning point.

This year we have observed the 70th anniversary of the proclamation of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which may be taken as the building blocks and guarantor of true multilateralism and a most fundamental reform of a global governance system hitherto dominated by a handful of oppressor nations, almost exclusively in Western Europe and North America.

The creation of the Soviet state meant that there were now countries in the world with fundamentally different political and social systems. The question therefore arose as to what type of relations should exist between those states and how should the relationship between them be handled. Faced with this question, Lenin formulated the policy of peaceful coexistence.

Some three-and-a-half decades later, it was clear that the existence of states with different social systems was no mere transient phenomenon but rather a long-term historical reality. It therefore fell to the Chinese communists to raise the issue beyond a tactical policy or temporary necessity, but rather to place it on a firm theoretical foundation, to elevate it to the level of science.

Today, in the new era, this issue, while losing none of its original cogency and vitality, has to be approached on a new basis and on a new level. If, seventy years ago, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence gave the socialist countries, and the newly independent countries just embarking on the road of building a new society, freedom to breathe and room to manoeuvre, today we face a qualitatively different situation.

Continue reading The Global South, with China in the forefront, is the key driver towards true multilateralism

Donald Trump and the drive to war against China

In the following article, which first appeared in slightly shorter form in Labour Outlook, Carlos Martinez assesses the prospects for the US-led New Cold War against China under a second Trump presidency, and the possibility of military conflict between the world’s two largest economies.

The article begins by noting that US policy towards China has been relatively consistent for over a decade, starting with the Obama-Clinton ‘Pivot to Asia’ in 2011, followed by the Trump administration’s trade war, and then the Biden administration’s sanctions, tariffs, semiconductor war, military provocations and the creation of AUKUS.

What will change under Trump? Carlos notes that “a deepening of economic confrontation seems more than likely”, given Trump’s repeated promises to impose unprecedented tariffs on Chinese goods. And while Trump made noises during his election campaign about wanting to end the US’s “forever wars”, “the appointment of inveterate China hawks Marco Rubio and Michael Waltz as secretary of state and national security adviser sends a clear signal that Trump is planning to escalate hostilities”.

Marco Rubio is an anti-China fanatic, who stands for more tariffs, more sanctions, more slander, more support for Taiwanese separatism, more provocations in the South China Sea, and more destabilisation in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. Mike Waltz has long pushed for closer military cooperation with India, Japan, Australia and other countries in the region in preparation for war against China.

The article notes that China’s consistent offer to the West is based on working together “to tackle the urgent issues facing humanity, including climate change, pandemics, peace, nuclear proliferation, food security and development”. However, it is clear that only mass movements will force Western governments to take up such an offer.

Although the Pivot to Asia was initiated by the Obama administration – when then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was tasked with developing a strategy for “America’s Pacific Century” – it was the Trump presidency from 2017-21 that really turned up the dial in terms of US anti-China hostility.

Donald Trump campaigned in 2016 on a promise to protect jobs by addressing the US’s trade deficit with China: “We can’t continue to allow China to rape our country and that’s what they’re doing. It’s the greatest theft in the history of the world.”

In power, the Trump administration launched a full-scale trade war, imposing enormous tariffs on hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese imports. This was combined with a systematic attack on Chinese technology companies, removing Huawei from US telecoms infrastructure and attempting to prevent TikTok and WeChat from operating in the US.

Militarily, Trump ramped up the US’s presence in the South China Sea and sought to revitalise the Quad group (US, Japan, India and Australia), working towards a broad regional alliance against China.

The State Department oversaw a crackdown on Chinese students and researchers, and, with the arrival of the Covid-19 pandemic, Trump resorted to flagrant racism, talking repeatedly about the “kung flu” and the “China virus” – all of which fed in to a horrifying rise in hate crimes against people of East Asian descent.

As such, many breathed a sigh of relief when Joe Biden was elected four years ago. Unfortunately, however, Biden has essentially maintained the anti-China strategic orientation of his predecessor, albeit without the crassly confrontational rhetoric and overt racism. Biden in many ways has been more systematic in pursuit of military and economic containment of China, particularly when it comes to building an international coalition around US strategic interests.

In September 2021, the US, Britain and Australia announced the launch of AUKUS – a nuclear pact, manifestly contravening the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and evidently designed to counter China.

Biden has hosted numerous Quad summit meetings, at which the member states have reiterated their “steadfast commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific” – that is, to preserving a status quo in which the US maintains over 300 military bases in the region, along with tens of thousands of troops, nuclear-enabled warplanes, aircraft carriers, and missile defence systems aimed at establishing nuclear first-strike capability.

The combination of the Quad and AUKUS looks suspiciously like an attempt to create an Asian NATO. Meanwhile Nancy Pelosi’s 2022 trip to Taiwan Province was the highest-level US visit to the island in quarter of a century. In 2023, Biden signed off on direct US military aid to Taiwan for the first time; a BBC headline from November 2023 noted that “the US is quietly arming Taiwan to the teeth”. This undermines the Three Joint Communiqués – which form the bedrock for US-China diplomatic relations – and is clearly aimed at inflaming tensions across the Taiwan Strait and setting up a potential hot war with China over Taiwan. A recently-leaked memo from four-star general Mike Minihan predicted war over Taiwan in 2025: “My gut tells me we will fight in 2025”.

The Biden administration has expanded Trump-era restrictions against China’s technology industry, in particular by launching a ‘chip war’ to slow down China’s progress in semiconductor production, artificial intelligence, mobile phones and more. And while the US government under Biden has set several ambitious climate goals, it has also introduced sweeping sanctions on Chinese solar materials and imposed huge tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles.

The unfortunate truth is that there is a consensus among Democrats and Republicans. In Biden’s words, “we’re in a competition with China to win the 21st century” – and the US must win this competition at all costs.

To what extent can we expect the situation to change under a second Trump presidency?

Continue reading Donald Trump and the drive to war against China

China, multipolarity and the rise of the Global South

We are pleased to publish below an article by Francisco Domínguez, secretary of the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign (Britain) and Friends of Socialist China advisory group member, based on a speech he delivered to our September 28 conference celebrating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

The article begins by highlighting some of the parallels between the Chinese Revolution and the 20th century revolutionary movement in Latin America, particularly with regard to the role of the peasantry and the relative weight of the struggle against colonialism and imperialism. Francisco draws in particular on the work of Peruvian Marxist, José Carlos Mariátegui, in the 1920s.

Francisco goes on to outline the impact of Hugo Chávez’s strategy of regional integration and its complementarity with the global strategy of multipolarity – in which China plays a key role – as well as the blossoming economic and diplomatic relationship between Latin America and the People’s Republic of China.

The article concludes: “The rise of Latin America with the Pink Tide as a dynamic and active component of the Global South is a clear manifestation both of multipolarity and the region’s desire to play an leading role in building a Global Community of Shared Future.”

Introduction

The Chinese Revolution has reached 75 years and its extraordinary economic development has turned into the second largest economy in the world on the basis of impressive technological advances and becoming a highly beneficial hub to the Global South, which is the current manifestation of multipolarity. We examine how Latin America embarked on a process of progressive transformation and regional integration (known as the Pink Tide) leading, since about 1999, to enter into a growing collaborative and multifaceted relationship with the People’s Republic of China.

Significance of the Chinese Revolution

In 1957 Mao Zedong identified three key forces on a world scale: US imperialism engaged in policies and wars of aggression; other developed capitalist countries; and countries fighting for national independence and national liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America. […] As for the oppressed nations’ liberation movements and countries fighting to gain national independence, the Party advocated giving them active support and developing extensive friendly relations with them. Regarding capitalist countries other than the U.S., the Party’s view was that China should also win them over and develop friendly relations with them. As to the United States, the Party advocated determined opposition to U.S. armed aggression and threats to China, on the one hand, while still striving for peaceful co-existence with the it and settling disputes between the two countries through peaceful consultation, on the other.[1]

The novelty of the Chinese Revolution, already a feature of the Russian Revolution, was an immense peasant base in a country where in 1949 there was hardly a working class. Well over 85% of the country was made of peasants and where the working-class movement had been destroyed by a combination of the Kuomintang’s brutal repression in 1925-1927, followed by the Japanese invasion (1931-1949). The proletariat had almost disappeared.

Thus, the Chinese Communist Party mobilised the peasantry endowing that mobilization with proletariat leadership and revolutionary dynamic, which, by demolishing its feudal structures, would lead to the accomplishment of the democratic tasks of the revolution. However, its consolidation required to move simultaneously to the undertaking of the socialist tasks by primarily start the construction of a proletarian state that rested on the power of the People’s Liberation Army under the leadership of the CCP. The latter gave the revolution its socialist character.

In this regard in 1959, Lui Shaoqi, a leader of the Revolution said, the Chinese revolution exerts a formidable “attraction for the peoples of backward countries that have suffered, or are suffering imperialist oppression. They feel that they should also be able to do what the Chinese have done.”[2]

A similar strategy had been put forward in Latin America by Peruvian Marxist, José Carlos Mariátegui as early as 1928.[3] He argued that due to its backward nature, the nations in Latin America had a weak, small and dependent bourgeoisie, subordinated to the landed oligarchy and imperialism, therefore, unable and unwilling to undertake the carrying out of the national democratic tasks to modernise society to fully develop capitalism. Thus, the only way to carry through the national democratic tasks was by a socialist revolution led by the proletariat enjoying hegemony over the majority peasantry for land reform as the sine qua non condition of its success.

Continue reading China, multipolarity and the rise of the Global South

Xi meets with leaders of Russia, Laos, Iran, Egypt and Vietnam

Chinese President Xi Jinping held a number of bilateral meetings with fellow leaders in the margins of the BRICS Summit, which was held, October 22-24, in the Russian city of Kazan.

Xi met with his host, President Vladimir Putin on the day of his arrival. He said that China and Russia have found the right way for neighbouring major countries to get along with each other, which features non-alliance, non-confrontation and not targeting any third party.

Noting that this year marks the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Russia, Xi said that over the past years, the relationship between the two countries has weathered challenges.

Noting that the world today is facing momentous transformations unseen in a century, resulting in a fast-changing and turbulent international landscape, he expressed confidence that the profound and lasting friendship between China and Russia will not change, nor will their sense of responsibility as major countries for the world and for the people.

Despite complex and severe external challenges, bilateral cooperation in areas such as trade continues to advance, and large-scale joint projects remain stable in operation, he said, adding that both countries should further promote the alignment of the Belt and Road Initiative with the Eurasian Economic Union to support their respective high-quality economic development.

Next year marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations and the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War, Xi stressed. China and Russia, both permanent members of the UN Security Council and major countries in the world, should deepen comprehensive strategic coordination, strengthen communication and coordination within multilateral frameworks such as the United Nations and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, promote a correct view of World War II history, firmly uphold the UN-centred international system, and jointly safeguard global strategic stability along with international fairness and justice.

President Vladimir Putin said that thanks to joint efforts from both sides, the Russia-China cooperation, based on equality, mutual respect, and mutual benefit, continues to advance, and the activities of the Russia-China Years of Culture have been successfully held, adding that Russia stands ready to further deepen cooperation with China and boost the development and revitalisation of both countries.

Noting that next year marks the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, Putin said that both Russia and China made tremendous sacrifices for victory in the World Anti-Fascist War, and that Russia is willing to commemorate this important milestone together with China.

Also on October 22, Xi met with Thongloun Sisoulith, General Secretary of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) Central Committee and President of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (LPDR), saying that the two sides should continue to strengthen the development of the China-Laos Railway and promote the construction of the China-Laos Economic Corridor.

As socialist comrades and brothers, the relations with Laos are of special importance in China’s neighbourhood diplomacy, and the two countries have always stayed at the forefront of building a community with a shared future, Xi said, adding that regardless of how the international situation changes, China will always be a trustworthy friend and partner of Laos.

Congratulating Laos on successfully hosting the East Asian Leaders’ meetings on cooperation, the Chinese President said he welcomes Laos’ active participation in BRICS cooperation.

Thongloun Sisoulith said that he went to China last year to attend the third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation and signed with Xi a new version of the action plan for building a China-Laos community with a shared future, which is being implemented effectively at present.

Laos-China relations are at their best in history, with bilateral cooperation expanding in depth and breadth, he added.

The following day, Xi met with the new Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and said that no matter how the international and regional situations change, China will unswervingly develop friendly cooperation with Iran.

Continue reading Xi meets with leaders of Russia, Laos, Iran, Egypt and Vietnam

President Xi urges China and India to strengthen communication and cooperation

During his recent visit to the Russian city of Kazan, where he attended the October 22-24 summit meeting of the BRICS cooperation mechanism, Chinese President Xi Jinping also held a number of important meetings on the sidelines.

Among the most significant was his October 23 meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two men’s first formal talks since October 2019. Clashes on the two countries’ disputed border (an issue left over from the days of British colonialism) in the Galwan Valley in 2020 had led to a sharp deterioration in bilateral relations. Two days before the Kazan meeting, the Indian Foreign Ministry had announced that an agreement had been reached on patrolling arrangements, which had been the immediate cause of the clash.

At the meeting, President Xi urged China and India to strengthen communication and cooperation, enhance strategic mutual trust, and facilitate each other’s pursuit of their development aspirations. He pointed out that as time-honoured civilisations, large developing countries and important members of the Global South, China and India both stand at a crucial phase of their respective modernisation endeavours.

It is in the fundamental interest of the two countries and two peoples to keep to the trend of history and the right direction of bilateral relations, he said, urging the two sides to shoulder their international responsibility, set an example in boosting the strength and unity of developing countries, and contribute to promoting a multipolar world and greater democracy in international relations.

For his part, Prime Minister Modi noted that maintaining the steady growth of India-China relations is critical to the two countries and peoples. It not only concerns the well-being and future of 2.8 billion people, but also carries great significance for peace and stability of the region and even the world at large.

Against a complex international landscape, cooperation between India and China, two ancient civilisations and engines of economic growth, can help drive economic recovery and promote multipolarity in the world.

The two leaders commended the important progress the two sides had recently made through intensive communication on resolving the relevant issues in the border areas. Modi made suggestions on improving and developing the relationship, which Xi agreed to in principle.

Stressing the need to ensure peace and tranquillity in the border areas and find a fair and reasonable settlement, they agreed on holding talks between their foreign ministers and officials at various levels to bring the relationship back to sound and steady development at an early date.

They further agreed to strengthen communication and cooperation in multilateral fora to safeguard the common interests of developing countries and were of the view that their meeting was constructive and carries great significance. They agreed to view and handle China-India relations from a strategic height and long-term perspective, prevent specific disagreements from affecting the overall relationship, and contribute to maintaining regional and global peace and prosperity and to advancing multipolarity in the world.

India’s main communist parties were quick to voice their support for the meeting and its outcome.

People’s Democracy, the newspaper of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) wrote that:

“The economic problems confronting the Indian bourgeoisie have forced them to lobby for easing the ability to do business with China. According to the data of the Ministry of Commerce, China has emerged as India’s top import source with 56.29 billion dollars’ worth of inbound shipments during the April-September period of this fiscal year. In a globalised economic world order, it is increasingly recognised that it is beneficial for both countries to increase economic cooperation. Certain industries for the production of goods like electric vehicles (EVs), smartphones, solar panels and medicine have been identified by the Indian government to transform the country into a manufacturing hub. Most of these industries require the restoration of economic relations with China.”

Continue reading President Xi urges China and India to strengthen communication and cooperation

Kazan Declaration: Strengthening multilateralism for just global development and security

The BRICS cooperation mechanism of Emerging Markets and Developing Countries took a major step forward at its 16th Summit held in the Russian city of Kazan, October 22-24. Following decisions taken at last year’s summit in South Africa, a total of nine countries took part as full members for the first time, with Ethiopia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran joining Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. A total of 36 countries and subnational entities participated at a high level, along with the leaders of six international organisations. A new category of Partner countries was formally initiated and is seen by many as a steppingstone to possible future full membership for the several dozen countries that have already expressed such an interest. An initial tranche of 13 countries were granted partner status in Kazan. The list of countries is yet to be officially released, but numerous reports have identified them as:

  • Algeria
  • Belarus
  • Bolivia
  • Cuba
  • Indonesia
  • Kazakhstan
  • Malaysia
  • Nigeria
  • Thailand
  • Türkiye
  • Uganda
  • Uzbekistan
  • Vietnam

On October 23, the nine full members adopted the Kazan Declaration, entitled ”Strengthening Multilateralism for Just Global Development and Security”. Running to a little over 13,300 words, and with 134 clauses, the declaration covers a vast number of subjects and itself reflects and reinforces the growing – although not without challenges – cohesiveness of key players in the Global South. It states:

“As we build upon 16 years of BRICS Summits, we further commit ourselves to strengthening cooperation in the expanded BRICS under the three pillars of political and security, economic and financial, cultural and people-to-people cooperation and to enhancing our strategic partnership for the benefit of our people through the promotion of peace, a more representative, fairer international order, a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system, sustainable development and inclusive growth.”

It further notes the emergence of new centres of power, policy decision-making and economic growth, which can pave the way for a more equitable, just, democratic and balanced multipolar world order.

The declaration reaffirms support for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations, including its Security Council, with a view to making it more democratic, representative, effective and efficient, and to increase the representation of developing countries in the Council’s memberships so that it can adequately respond to prevailing global challenges and support the legitimate aspirations of emerging and developing countries from Africa, Asia and Latin America, including BRICS countries, to play a greater role in international affairs, in particular in the United Nations, including its Security Council, adding:

“We are deeply concerned about the disruptive effect of unlawful unilateral coercive measures, including illegal sanctions, on the world economy, international trade, and the achievement of the sustainable development goals. Such measures undermine the UN Charter, the multilateral trading system, the sustainable development and environmental agreements. They also negatively impact economic growth, energy, health and food security, exacerbating poverty and environmental challenges.”

It recalls the 2001 Durban Declaration and Programme of Action (DDPA) and the Outcome Document of the 2009 Durban Review Conference and acknowledges the need to intensify the fight against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance as well as discrimination based on religion, faith or belief, and all their contemporary forms around the world including the alarming trends of rising hate speech, and acknowledge the annual UNGA resolution on “Combating glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism, and other practices that contribute to fuelling contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance”.

Continue reading Kazan Declaration: Strengthening multilateralism for just global development and security

Xi Jinping: Global South countries marching together toward modernisation is monumental in world history

The summit meeting of the BRICS cooperation mechanism was held, October 22-24, in Kazan, the capital city of the Republic of Tatarstan in the Russian Federation, and was hosted by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Alongside dozens of other events within its framework, the summit of the nine full members of BRICS was held on October 23, under the theme “Strengthening Multilateralism for Equitable Global Development and Security”. This was the first such gathering in which Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa were joined by Ethiopia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran, since the 2023 summit meeting held in South Africa invited the latter four countries to take up full membership in the first wave of BRICS expansion.

This meeting was followed, on October 24, by the “BRICS Plus” Leaders Dialogue, the first gathering of its kind, which was held under the theme, “BRICS and the Global South: Building a Better World Together”.

In all, the Kazan gathering drew the participation of leaders of 36 countries and territories, including 22 heads of state. The leaders of six international organisations, including the Secretary-General of the United Nations, also attended.

Chinese President Xi Jinping delivered keynote speeches at both the October 23 and 24 meetings. Together, they provide correct strategic guidance to advance the collective agenda and shared goals of the Global South at the present time.

On October 23, President Xi addressed the BRICS Summit, with a speech entitled, “Embracing a Broader View and Cutting Through the Fog of Challenges to Advance High-Quality Development of Greater BRICS Cooperation”.  He said:

“I would like to take this opportunity to once again welcome new members to our BRICS family. The enlargement of BRICS is a major milestone in its history and a landmark event in the evolution of the international situation. At this summit, we have decided to invite many countries to become partner countries, which is another major progress in the development of BRICS…

“As the world enters a new period defined by turbulence and transformation, we are confronted with pivotal choices that will shape our future. Should we allow the world to descend into the abyss of disorder and chaos, or should we strive to steer it back on the path of peace and development? This reminds me of a novel by Nikolay Chernyshevsky entitled ‘What Is to Be Done?’ The protagonist’s unwavering determination and passionate drive are exactly the kind of willpower we need today. The more tumultuous our times become, the more we must stand firm at the forefront, exhibiting tenacity, demonstrating the audacity to pioneer and displaying the wisdom to adapt. We must work together to build BRICS into a primary channel for strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations and a vanguard for advancing global governance reform.”

Setting out the key tasks for BRICS members at present, Xi said that:

– We should build a BRICS committed to peace and we must all act as defenders of common security. In this context he specifically referred to the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East. “The Ukraine crisis still persists. China and Brazil, in collaboration with other countries from the Global South, initiated a group of Friends for Peace to address the crisis. The aim is to gather more voices advocating peace. We must uphold the three key principles: no expansion of the battlefields, no escalation of hostilities, and no fanning flames, and strive for swift de-escalation of the situation. While the humanitarian situation in Gaza continues to deteriorate, the flames of war have once again been rekindled in Lebanon, and conflicts are escalating among the parties. We must promote an immediate ceasefire and an end to the killing. We must make unremitting efforts toward a comprehensive, just and lasting resolution of the Palestinian question.”

– We should build a BRICS committed to innovation, and we must all act as pioneers of high-quality development. China has recently launched a China-BRICS Artificial Intelligence Development and Cooperation Centre. We are ready to deepen cooperation on innovation with all BRICS countries to unleash the dividends of AI development.

– We should build a BRICS committed to green development, and we must all act as promoters of sustainable development. Green is the defining colour of our times. It is important that all BRICS countries proactively embrace the global trend of green and low-carbon transformation.

– We should build a BRICS committed to justice and we must all act as forerunners in reforming global governance. In light of the rise of the Global South, we should respond favourably to the calls from various countries to join BRICS. We should advance the process of expanding BRICS membership and establishing a partner country mechanism and enhance the representation and voice of developing nations in global governance. 

– The current developments make the reform of the international financial architecture all the more pressing. The New Development Bank should be expanded and strengthened.

– We should build a BRICS committed to closer people-to-people exchanges, and we must all act as advocates for harmonious coexistence among all civilisations.

In conclusion he stated: “China is willing to work with all BRICS countries to open a new horizon in the high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation and join hands with Global South countries in building a community with a shared future for humanity.”

Xi Jinping addressed the BRICS Plus Dialogue on the theme, “Combining the Great Strength of the Global South to Build Together a Community with a Shared Future for Humanity”. He said that:

“The collective rise of the Global South is a distinctive feature of the great transformation across the world. Global South countries marching together toward modernisation is monumental in world history and unprecedented in human civilisation.”

He went on to argue that:

– We should uphold peace and strive for common security. Last July, Palestinian factions reconciled with each other in Beijing, marking a key step toward peace in the Middle East. We must stop the flames of war from spreading in Lebanon and end the miserable sufferings in Palestine and Lebanon.

– We should reinvigorate development and strive for common prosperity.

– We should promote together the development of all civilisations and strive for harmony among them.

Xi Jinping concluded: “No matter how the international landscape evolves, we in China will always keep the Global South in our heart and maintain our roots in the Global South. We support more Global South countries in joining the cause of BRICS as full members, partner countries or in the “BRICS Plus” format so that we can combine the great strength of the Global South to build together a community with a shared future for humanity.”

The following is the full text of the two speeches. They were originally published by the Xinhua News Agency.

Full Text: Address by Chinese President Xi Jinping at 16th BRICS Summit

KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 23 (Xinhua) — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday delivered an important speech at the 16th BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia.

The following is the full text of the speech:

Embracing a Broader View and Cutting Through the Fog of Challenges to Advance High-Quality Development of Greater BRICS Cooperation

Your Excellency President Vladimir Putin,

Colleagues,

First of all, I wish to extend my warm congratulations on the successful opening of this summit. I also wish to thank President Putin and our host Russia for the thoughtful arrangements and warm hospitality.

I would like to take this opportunity to once again welcome new members to our BRICS family. The enlargement of BRICS is a major milestone in its history, and a landmark event in the evolution of the international situation. At this summit, we have decided to invite many countries to become partner countries, which is another major progress in the development of BRICS. As we Chinese often say, “A man of virtue regards righteousness as the greatest interest.” It is for our shared pursuit and for the overarching trend of peace and development that we BRICS countries have come together. We must make full use of this summit, maintain the momentum of BRICS, and consider and devise our strategy to address issues that have a global impact, determine our future direction, and possess strategic significance. We must build on this milestone summit to set off anew and forge ahead with one heart and one mind.

As the world enters a new period defined by turbulence and transformation, we are confronted with pivotal choices that will shape our future. Should we allow the world to descend into the abyss of disorder and chaos, or should we strive to steer it back on the path of peace and development? This reminds me of a novel by Nikolay Chernyshevsky entitled What Is to Be Done? The protagonist’s unwavering determination and passionate drive are exactly the kind of willpower we need today. The more tumultuous our times become, the more we must stand firm at the forefront, exhibiting tenacity, demonstrating the audacity to pioneer and displaying the wisdom to adapt. We must work together to build BRICS into a primary channel for strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations and a vanguard for advancing global governance reform.

Continue reading Xi Jinping: Global South countries marching together toward modernisation is monumental in world history

Jenny Clegg: Orienting our peace movement towards the Global South

The following is the text of Dr. Jenny Clegg’s speech to our conference celebrating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, held at London’s Bolivar Hall on September 28.

Jenny argues that now, as a wider war looms over us, it is imperative that leftists in the West understand the interconnections between multipolarity, the Global South and China so as to grasp what is going on in the world.

According to her analysis, for the Global South, China provides a model of successful development and the eradication of poverty; its vast market and investment resources puts it at the centre of South-South economic cooperation; whilst its diplomacy fosters unity and promotes pathways towards peace.

Whilst not skirting complexities and problematic factors, she notes that in the next few years, much depends on the BRICS+ holding together.

“The litmus test of BRICS+ right now is their independent foreign policies no matter how hesitant and unreliable… Now is not the time for sitting on the fence, picking and choosing what is right and wrong: that is for the utopian socialists. We have to seize the politics of the moment… if we in Britain can orientate especially our peace movement towards the Global South we will be doing something.”

Jenny is an independent writer and researcher, specialising in China’s development and international role; and a former Senior Lecturer in Asia Pacific Studies at the University of Central Lancashire (UCLAN). She is the author of ‘China’s Global Strategy: towards a multipolar world’

(Pluto Press, 2009) and ‘Storming the Heavens – Peasants and Revolution in China, 1925-1949 – from a Marxist perspective’ (Manifesto Press, 2024).

There’s more talk now in the Western mainstream about multipolarity, some acknowledgement at least that the world is beginning to change. But 15 years ago, when I was researching for my book on ‘China’s Global Strategy’, I really struggled to find any mention of multipolarity in Western literature.  Yet at the time there was a great deal of debate amongst Chinese scholars about where China fitted into the multipolar trend. 

Today mainstream views see a few random middle powers – Türkiye, Mexico, Malaysia, Australia – starting to play a more important role. The Chinese view, from a historical and materialist perspective, has long recognised multipolarisation as a rebalancing of world power driven by the rise of the Global South.

Now, as a wider war looms over us, it is imperative that leftists in the West understand the interconnections between multipolarity, the Global South and China so as to grasp what is going on in the world.

Amidst multiplying crises, Global South countries are increasingly looking to each other rather than the West.  Given their experiences of vaccine apartheid, high interest rates exacerbating debt, inflation from the Ukraine war, the failure of rich nations to cough up on climate change, Global South countries have every reason to come together as a more vocal force for peace and development.

South-South networks are proliferating; the objective conditions for multipolarisation are unfolding – India and Brazil have risen into the top 10 world economies soon to be followed by Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria displacing G7 members. And subjective consciousness is shifting: one after another, countries across the developing world refused to take sides in the Ukraine conflict – now they are united in horror of Israel’s genocide and in anger and disgust at the double standards of the West’s complicity.

Of course, past experience has shown Global South collective efforts are liable to succumb to imperialist division as when their 1974 call for a New International Economic order fell apart by the 1980s.

Today, the role of China as by far the largest developing state is critical.

For the Global South, China provides a model of successful development and the eradication of poverty; its vast market and investment resources puts it at the centre of South-South economic cooperation; whilst its diplomacy fosters unity and promotes pathways towards peace.

For sure there are problems – reproducing the pattern of colonial trade of raw materials for manufactured goods is hard to change in a short time. Investment projects through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have not always been the best or wisest, but even if as many as 40 percent run into difficulties – as some critics claim – that means 60 percent are working and are making a difference.

Now China is opening a path for developing countries to leapfrog into a green and digitised future. Throwing itself into the growth of new quality productive forces domestically, China is becoming the indispensable power in the global green transition.

Deals with China in general offer something stable to hold onto in an anarchic world economy. Against the colonial pattern, the recent China-Africa summit saw important commitments which will amount to one million jobs for African people.

Now, catching the new momentum in the Global South, China has accelerated its diplomatic activity in forums such as the SCO, the G77+, the BRICS+, the China-Africa and other such forums. Its global initiatives on development, security and civilisation carry forward the basic principles of the UN Charter building on the five principles of peaceful coexistence and the 1955 Bandung agreement.

Continue reading Jenny Clegg: Orienting our peace movement towards the Global South

Assessing Chinese socialism 75 years after its revolution

The following article by Andrew Murray explores the enduring significance of the People’s Republic of China, 75 years after its founding.

Andrew writes that this significance proceeds along three axes:

First is the developmental axis – China’s “transformation from the mutilated prey of sundry imperialisms and a laggard in world standards of social development, into a mighty power in sight of having the world’s largest national economy”.

Second is the democratic, anti-imperialist axis – China’s impact on the ongoing eastward and southward shift of the world’s economic and political centre of gravity.

Third is the socialist axis – “by maintaining a socialist orientation after other developments in that direction have faltered it both keeps open the possibility of plural systemic options in the world, defeating Washington’s dreams of ideological unipolarity, and prevents socialism itself from being pushed into the shadows of history”.

Andrew, a longstanding and prominent anti-war campaigner, notes in relation to China’s foreign policy:

The alternative world order promoted by the Chinese government offers co-operation and development for all and eschews militarism and interference. It prioritises adherence to international law and peaceful resolution of disputes. This is not the world order of imperialism — pressure, threats, looting and diktat.

On the nature of China’s political system, Andrew urges the reader not to try and “squeeze the experience of Chinese socialism into the straitjacket of European experience” and to instead study it on its own terms. In spite of undeniable problems and contradictions, “the future of socialism in the world depends very heavily on developments in China and on the leadership of its Communist Party”. And furthermore, “the complete elimination of absolute poverty, a recent achievement of the CPC, is not just a staggering achievement, it is a socialist one”.

The article concludes:

After 75 years, the People’s Republic of China stands at the very heart of an alternative to the world of the Washington Consensus, neoliberal centrism, the militarised “New World Order” and economic crisis and chaos. The alternative itself is unfinished and perhaps unfinishable, but China is holding the door open to possibilities beyond the status quo, to a menu of other options for humanity. That is most likely the most profound global significance of the PRC on its 75th birthday.

This article was written for the Friends of Socialist China special anniversary supplement published by the Morning Star on September 28, to coincide with London conference celebrating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. It is extracted from Andrew’s contribution to the book People’s China at 75 – The Flag Stays Red, available now from Praxis Press.

The PDF of the supplement can be downloaded here.

There is a story, possibly apocryphal, regarding a parliamentary by-election in St Pancras, north London, in 1949. The Communist Party stood a candidate and, amidst a deteriorating Cold War atmosphere, polled fairly dismally.

Johnnie Campbell, a laconic Scotsman central to the CPGB’s leadership for decades, was dispatched to the locality to rally the troops in the aftermath. Surveying his dispirited comrades, he supposedly declared: “Well, things aren’t going our way in St Pancras right now…but we’ve won in China!”

To many, that was the immediate significance of the Chinese revolution. For millions of Communists and sympathisers around the world, as well as oppressed masses in the colonies and semi-colonies, the victory of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the party-led People’s Liberation Army was a huge advance – really the greatest conceivable – in a worldwide process of socialist revolution.

Continue reading Assessing Chinese socialism 75 years after its revolution

Venezuelan ambassador: Venezuela and China are pioneering nations in the construction of a multipolar world

We are very pleased to publish below the text of the statement delivered by His Excellency Ambassador Félix Plasencia González, Head of Mission of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Kingdom, at the conference held in London on Saturday 28 September to mark the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

Ambassador Plasencia started by welcoming the audience to Bolívar Hall, a historic venue in Central London which is owned by the Venezuelan Embassy, and “a space of open doors for brotherhood and solidarity between our peoples”.

Plasencia was formerly Venezuela’s ambassador to China and knows the country well. After congratulating the Chinese people on their remarkable achievements over the last 75 years, he went on to discuss China-Venezuela relations and the role the two countries are playing in global politics.

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the People’s Republic of China are pioneering nations in the construction of a multipolar and multicentric world, where cooperation, solidarity, and respect for international law play a fundamental role.

Comrade Plasencia noted that, while the US and its allies have been subjecting Venezuela to illegal and arbitrary unilateral coercive measures, “China has consolidated itself as a true friend and a beacon of hope for sovereign nations and governments still striving for full independence”.

He concluded by expressing Venezuela’s willingness to continue expanding cooperation and solidarity with China to ever-wider areas of life, “to contribute to the well-being of our peoples, the development of both nations, and to build strengths that will help create a fairer, more inclusive, peaceful, and equitable multipolar world”.

On behalf of the President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros, the People and the Bolivarian Government, I am pleased to extend to you a warm greeting, as well as the most cordial welcome to the Bolívar Hall, a space of open doors for brotherhood and solidarity between our peoples, provided by the Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in London.

It is a great honour for me, as a former Ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic to the People’s Republic of China, to be able to accompany our sister nation, China, in this warm and close gathering organised by social movements and friends of the solidarity in London and the United Kingdom, to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

This significant date for the Chinese people and government reminds us of the greatness of the Chinese nation, which we in Latin America and particularly in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, recognise for its millennia of historical greatness and contributions to the development of humanity.

Likewise, on this day we are called to reflect on the profound transformations that the People’s Republic of China has undergone over the last 75 years, during which historic achievements have been made to improve the quality of life for the Chinese people.

China has been remarkably successful in achieving major goals, such as the eradication of extreme poverty, a milestone that fills all our developing nations with hope.

Continue reading Venezuelan ambassador: Venezuela and China are pioneering nations in the construction of a multipolar world

Working together for peace, development and a brighter future for BRICS

During his recent visit to New York to attend the annual general debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and related activities, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi addressed a meeting of foreign ministers from the BRICS cooperation mechanism, which was held at the UN headquarters on September 26.

Wang Yi told his counterparts that: “As leading members of the Global South, we BRICS countries should pursue our own success while promoting the greater good and make our contribution to an equal and orderly multipolar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalisation.”

He went on to say that the BRICS members should promote common security and strive for lasting peace. In today’s world where countries are dependent on each other, humanity lives in an inseparable community of security. No country has the right to manipulate the global security agenda or seek its own security at the expense of others.

On Ukraine, the BRICS should “uphold the principles of no expansion of the battlefield, no escalation of fighting and no fanning the flames by any party, and encourage dialogue and negotiation for the settlement of the crisis. The six-point common understanding jointly released by Brazil and China to this end has received varying degrees of positive response from over 100 countries.

“On Palestine, China stands firmly with Arab countries. We must push for the early realisation of a comprehensive and lasting ceasefire in Gaza, support Palestine’s full UN membership, and implement the two-State solution, in a bid to bring enduring peace to the Middle East.”

The BRICS countries should stay focused on development, follow true multilateralism and improve global governance:

“When hegemonic and bullying acts run unchecked, human civilisation will revert to the law of the jungle. It is important that we firmly defend the international system with the UN at its core, uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, and reject a selective application.”

He added: “Next month, BRICS will hold its first summit following its membership expansion… We should support Russia’s chairmanship, and take the summit as an opportunity to send a strong message of upholding fairness and justice and promoting common development… We should also step up efforts to set up the Partner Country category, which is a consensus reached by BRICS leaders at the Johannesburg Summit last year and a mission we must accomplish. We need to keep the door open to new members, so as to provide more vigour and drive to the development of BRICS.”

The following is the full text of Wang Yi’s speech. It was originally published on the website of the Chinese Foreign Ministry.

Dear colleagues,

It is a great pleasure to meet you all in New York.

The current international situation is marked by change and instability, and the world is experiencing disorder, slowing growth, uneven development, and a loss of focus in governance. The theme of this year’s General Debate—“Leaving no one behind”—highlights the widely shared aspiration for greater equality, security and prosperity in our world. As leading members of the Global South, we BRICS countries should pursue our own success while promoting the greater good, and make our contribution to an equal and orderly multipolar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization.

—We should promote common security and strive for lasting peace. In today’s world where countries are dependent on each other, humanity live in an inseparable community of security. No country has the right to manipulate the global security agenda or seek its own security at the expense of others. It is important that we make good use of such BRICS mechanisms as the Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs / International Relations and the Meeting of National Security Advisers and High Representatives on National Security to strengthen coordination on international and regional hotspots and make a joint response to the various challenges we face. On Ukraine, we should uphold the principles of no expansion of the battlefield, no escalation of fighting and no fanning the flames by any party, and encourage dialogue and negotiation for the settlement of the crisis. The six-point common understanding jointly released by Brazil and China to this end has received varying degrees of positive response from over 100 countries. On Palestine, China stands firmly with Arab countries. We must push for the early realization of a comprehensive and lasting ceasefire in Gaza, support Palestine’s full U.N. membership, and implement the two-State solution, in a bid to bring enduring peace to the Middle East.

—We should stay focused on development as a priority and remove hinderance to development. Development is an eternal pursuit of humanity and a major yardstick of the progress of times. The Global Development Initiative proposed by President Xi Jinping has received active support from the U.N. and a vast number of developing countries. BRICS should harness its strengths to drive development to the center of the U.N. agenda, stay attentive to the difficulties facing developing countries, urge developed countries to honor their promises, and give a stronger boost to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. It is important to keep in mind the urgent needs of developing countries in poverty reduction, development financing, and energy and food security, and seize the opportunities presented by the technological revolution and industrial transformation to foster new drivers for high-quality development.

—We should follow true multilateralism and improve global governance. When multilateralism is under attack, the world will be in disarray. When hegemonic and bullying acts run unchecked, human civilization will revert to the law of the jungle. It is important that we firmly defend the international system with the U.N. at its core, uphold the purposes and principles of the U.N. Charter, and reject a selective application of these purposes and principles. We could take the follow-up to the Summit of the Future as a chance to advance the reform of the international financial architecture, support countries of the South in participating fully in international economic decision-making, governance and rules-making, and increase their voice and representation. “Enhancing International Cooperation on Capacity-Building of Artificial Intelligence,” the resolution cosponsored by China and many other countries of the South, has been overwhelmingly adopted at the General Assembly. We welcome BRICS countries on board for its implementation so that more developing countries can benefit from it.

Colleagues,

Next month, BRICS will hold its first summit following its membership expansion. All eyes will be on this highly significant meeting. We should support Russia’s chairmanship, and take the summit as an opportunity to send a strong message of upholding fairness and justice and promoting common development. We could strive for new milestone outcomes in such areas as finance, AI, and energy and minerals to get the greater  BRICS cooperation off to a good start. We should also step up efforts to set up the Partner Country category, which is a consensus reached by BRICS leaders at the Johannesburg Summit last year and a mission we must accomplish. We need to keep the door open to new members, so as to provide more vigor and drive to the development of BRICS.

Colleagues,

Not long ago, the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held its third plenary session. At the session, a new blueprint was drawn up to further advance Chinese modernization. As China pursues high-standard opening up and high-quality development, we will continue to view fellow BRICS countries as good companions and good partners. China will share development opportunities with BRICS countries and other countries around the world and seek more cooperation in building a community with a shared future for mankind.

Thank you.

Cuban ambassador: China has been a determined force in promoting global solidarity

We are very pleased to publish below the text of the speech given by Her Excellency Ismara M. Vargas Walter, Cuban Ambassador to the UK, at the conference held in London on Saturday 28 September to mark the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

Comrade Vargas Walter gave an overview of the history of solidarity between China and Cuba, noting that, in 1960, Cuba became the first country in Latin America to recognise the People’s Republic of China. In recent times, “China’s support for Cuba in overcoming the devastating effects of the US blockade has been invaluable”, while “Cuba has stood with China in international forums, defending its sovereignty and promoting the vision of a multipolar world in which the nations of the global South can thrive free from the chains of imperialism”.

Vargas Walter went on to describe the emerging multipolar world order, of which China is a powerful advocate. “The struggle for multipolarity is the struggle for a world in which no single nation or bloc of nations can dictate the fate of others”.

She concluded her remarks with a powerful call for revolutionary internationalism:

The friendship between our nations is a testament to what can be achieved when we stand together in solidarity. It is a reminder that internationalism is our greatest strength, no matter how small or isolated a country may seem. Let’s continue to deepen our ties, strengthen our solidarity and continue the struggle for a world free of exploitation and imperialism.

Comrades and friends,

It is a great honour to stand before you today as we celebrate the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. We commemorate not only the rise of a great nation but also the enduring legacy of socialist internationalism of which Cuba and China have been proud torchbearers for decades.

When the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949, it marked the triumph of the indomitable spirit of the Chinese people in their struggle for sovereignty, dignity and a future free from colonialism and imperialist domination. This victory impacted far beyond China’s borders, inspiring revolutionary movements in Asia, Africa, Latin America and beyond. It was a beacon of hope for the oppressed, demonstrating that unity, determination and a shared socialist vision can change the course of history.

In 1959, ten years after China’s victory, the Cuban Revolution triumphed under the leadership of our Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro. Our revolution was a direct challenge to U.S. imperialism in the heart of Latin America. In 1960, Cuba became the first country in Latin America to recognize the People’s Republic of China, cementing a partnership based on revolutionary solidarity. Despite our geographical distance, Cuba and China were united in a common struggle – the struggle against exploitation, foreign domination and the capitalist system that seeks to divide and subjugate the people of the global South.

Our two nations, one in the Caribbean and the other in East Asia have shown that internationalism is not just an ideal – it is a necessity. In the face of endless provocations, economic blockades and attempts to isolate our revolutions, both Cuba and China have stood tall, defending the dignity of our people and advancing on the road to socialism.

The bonds between Cuba and China have grown stronger over the decades, nourished by mutual respect, and shared principles. Since the early days of our revolutions, China has extended a hand of friendship to Cuba. China’s support for Cuba in overcoming the devastating effects of the U.S. blockade has been invaluable. Cuba has stood with China in international forums, defending its sovereignty and promoting the vision of a multipolar world in which the nations of the global South can thrive free from the chains of imperialism.

However, despite the indomitable spirit of our people, we continue to face unjust actions aimed at undermining our sovereignty. Cuba continues to be arbitrarily listed as a state sponsor of terrorism, a designation that is not only baseless but deeply unfair. This false narrative is part of the broader strategy of imperialist aggression aimed at destabilizing and suffocating our economy. The real intention behind this label is to cause extraordinary damage to Cuba’s development, just as the criminal blockade has done for more than six decades. To be clear, this label has nothing to do with terrorism and everything to do with punishing Cuba for daring to build socialism on its own terms.

China has been a determined force in promoting global solidarity. From its Belt and Road Initiative, which strengthens economic ties and infrastructure development in the Global South, to its investments in sustainable development, China has shown that internationalism is not a relic of the past, but a living principle shaping the future.

At the heart of the struggle for a more just and equitable world is the rise of the Global South. Countries like Cuba, Venezuela and China, along with many others in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, are asserting their right to determine their own future, free from the grip of foreign interference. The struggle for multipolarity is the struggle for a world in which no single nation or bloc of nations can dictate the fate of others.

And China has been a powerful advocate of this new multipolar world order. Its policy of peaceful development and win-win cooperation stands in sharp contrast to the coercion and militarism that define imperialist relations. China’s partnerships with nations in the Global South are based on the principles of mutual respect, non-interference and solidarity – principles that Cuba wholeheartedly embraces.

As we celebrate the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, we must remember that our struggle is far from over. The forces of imperialism are relentless, but so too is our determination to defend the sovereignty of our nations, the dignity of our peoples and the road to socialism that we have chosen.

The friendship between our nations is a testament to what can be achieved when we stand together in solidarity. It is a reminder that internationalism is our greatest strength, no matter how small or isolated a country may seem. Let’s continue to deepen our ties, strengthen our solidarity and continue the struggle for a world free of exploitation and imperialism.

Until victory always!

Thank you so much.

Zhang Weiwei: NATO is a relic of history that should have been disbanded long ago

In the video embedded below, Friends of Socialist China co-founder Danny Haiphong interviews Professor Zhang Weiwei, a Chinese professor of international relations at Fudan University and the director of its China Institute. The interview covers a wide range of topics, including the Western media portrayal of China as aggressive, the concept of the civilizational state, China’s preference for a peaceful approach to international relations, the conflict in Ukraine, China’s diplomatic breakthroughs in the Middle East, and the changing global balance of power.

Zhang Weiwei notes that, while the US and its allies insist on describing China as a threat to regional and global peace, China’s record of peaceful development speaks for itself. China has not fired a single shot in over 40 years, and is the only nuclear power to have a consistent policy of no first use of nuclear weapons. When the US was economically ascendant, it was already waging wars around the world. China however is now the world’s largest economy in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, and yet it maintains a powerful commitment to peace and to solving problems through negotiations. Zhang highlights China’s diplomatic breakthroughs this year with regard to Middle East politics, including its mediation of the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and its role in bringing together 14 Palestinian factions.

Professor Zhang points out that the conflict in Ukraine is mainly the result of US policy and the insistence on NATO expansion, stating that most Chinese feel that NATO is a relic of history that should have been disbanded long ago. China will be resolute in opposing NATO’s expansion into Asia.

Discussing the concept of “changes unseen in a century”, Zhang Weiwei highlights the emergence of a credible alternative for the Global South in the form of the BRICS grouping – whose GDP is already larger than that of the G7 – along with the Belt and Road Initiative, the economic emergence of several countries, and the failure of the US’s tech war against China.

Counselling the US to adopt a more peaceful approach to international relations, Zhang Weiwei notes that the Biden administration’s nuclear strategy is based on the concept of mutually assured destructions, when what the world needs is mutually assured prosperity.

Professor Zhang is providing a video contribution to our events to mark the 75th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution, in London and New York City.