We are pleased to republish the below article by Ishida Ryuji, a Japanese scholar at the School of Humanities at Shanghai Jiaotong University, which was originally published by Global Times on September 2.
In the article, Ryuji makes a profound comparative study of China’s protracted struggle against Japanese fascism in the 1930s and 1940s and the country’s protracted struggle against imperialist powers led by the United States and including Japan today.
The author notes that: “Eighty years ago, after 14 years of arduous struggle and tremendous sacrifice, China finally defeated the war of aggression launched by Japanese fascists. Eighty years later, Japan still seems unable to cast off the shadow of fascism.”
He gives an explanation of fascism that resonates today with regard to other capitalist powers besides Japan: “A typical fascist regime is characterised by the following features: instead of addressing economic stagnation and the resulting political and social unrest through domestic reform or narrowing class disparities, it seeks to shift the crisis outward under the pretext of ‘racial superiority’ through external aggression and expansion.”
He warns that: “Beginning in the 1990s, a generational shift among researchers coincided with the rise of historical revisionist currents and movements. As a result, tendencies to blur or deny the facts of aggression – and even to glorify war through distortions of history – have spread increasingly throughout Japanese society. Whether in reference to wartime Japan or today’s rightward shift, the scholarly atmosphere of analysing these phenomena through the lens of fascism has grown exceedingly faint in the country.”
This is related to the historical trajectory of the Cold War: “After WWII, Western countries led by the US – including Japan, which had once been a fascist state – forcibly imposed the Cold War system… After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Japan-US security alliance was redefined as a military one targeting China.”
Bringing things up to the present, Ryuji writes: “Despite comprehensive inferiority in military, economic and technological domains, the Chinese people ultimately defeated the invaders. Many Japanese to this day remain trapped in the illusion of ‘might makes right,’ with some even clinging to the absurd claim that ‘the Japanese army never lost in China.’ Those who hold such views fail to grasp how the Communist Party of China, armed with theoretical innovation and practical experience, developed the strategies of protracted war and guerrilla warfare that mobilised the immense strength of the entire nation in resisting aggression. Such a strategy of undermining the enemy’s rule from within not only secured China’s victory but also offered invaluable and lasting inspiration for the subsequent global anti-colonial and national liberation movements.
“Today, China is facing interference and coercion from countries such as Japan and the US. Yet China will neither yield nor compromise; instead, it is committed to waging a protracted war full of hardships.
“Admittedly, this struggle differs from the Anti-Fascist War a century ago in its historical context: China has already achieved rapid economic growth, and its vast domestic market itself serves as the ‘base area’ supporting this effort. By building a community with a shared future for humanity and promoting the Belt and Road Initiative, China is working with Global South countries in mutual support and common development. In this sense, China is carrying out a new form of ‘protracted war’ on a global scale, one that seeks to serve the interests of the broadest population.”
The article forms part of the Global Times series, ‘Revisiting WWII, Defending Peace,’ which invites renowned scholars and peace advocates from around the world to revisit the history of WWII through contemporary lenses.
It should also be noted that, whilst Japan tried to pressurise countries into staying away from the Beijing commemoration, not only did this fail spectacularly with nearly all of China’s neighbours – the honoured guests also included former Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
Hatoyama, who was removed from office under US pressure in 2010, after just over a year in office, due to his desire to follow an independent path in international affairs and to introduce reforms favourable to working people, this time defied accusations of treason and calls for his arrest to join the Chinese people’s commemoration. He said after the parade:
“President Xi made a clear distinction between the militarist invaders and the general Japanese people… the wrongdoers were the Japanese militarists not the ordinary Japanese citizens.”
In an interview with Chinese television following his return to Japan, he added: “I, as a Japanese, attended the commemoration with a sense of reflection and remorse. I am grateful to have been invited to take part in the ceremony; it was highly meaningful.”
Eighty years ago, after 14 years of arduous struggle and tremendous sacrifice, China finally defeated the war of aggression launched by Japanese fascists. Eighty years later, Japan still seems unable to cast off the shadow of fascism.
A typical fascist regime is characterized by the following features: instead of addressing economic stagnation and the resulting political and social unrest through domestic reform or narrowing class disparities, it seeks to shift the crisis outward under the pretext of “racial superiority” through external aggression and expansion.
Nowadays, to contain China’s economic growth and sustained development, Washington has taken a series of measures such as imposing additional tariffs and openly reinforcing its military presence around the Taiwan Straits. Japan has followed closely in the footsteps of the US, even establishing offensive military bases on the islands of Okinawa, close to China. Some concerning tendencies in both the US and Japan, such as discriminatory immigration policies, xenophobic rhetoric, and a tendency in governance to downplay or even disregard the rule of law and parliamentary systems, warrant close attention and careful monitoring.
However, the current international discourse is still largely shaped by the US and other Western countries. This dominance presents significant challenges in safeguarding justice and peace, as global narratives are often shaped by their perspective. Such imbalances hinder the fair and objective resolution of critical issues on the world stage.
The historiography and peace movements of postwar Japan defined the prewar and wartime trend toward authoritarianism as “Emperor System Fascism” and sought to overcome it. However, beginning in the 1990s, a generational shift among researchers coincided with the rise of historical revisionist currents and movements. As a result, tendencies to blur or deny the facts of aggression – and even to glorify war through distortions of history – have spread increasingly throughout Japanese society. Whether in reference to wartime Japan or today’s rightward shift, the scholarly atmosphere of analyzing these phenomena through the lens of fascism has grown exceedingly faint in the country.
It is precisely for this reason that, on the 80th anniversary of the Victory of the World Anti-Fascist War, we should reexamine whether the war against fascism has truly ended.
After WWII, Western countries led by the US – including Japan, which had once been a fascist state – forcibly imposed the Cold War system. Is the Cold War structure of that era truly a thing of the past? In fact, the containment policy against the socialist camp only saw a brief easing in the 1970s. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Japan-US security alliance was redefined as a military one targeting China. Since 2010, when China’s GDP surpassed that of Japan, Japan’s containment policy toward China has grown increasingly assertive and sustained.
In the long run, the current US government’s tariff and other policies against China are essentially a continuation of the hegemonic strategy of long-term containment. In a certain sense, China’s struggle for justice and peace over the past 80 years can also be seen as a continuation of the anti-fascist spirit.
While some Western countries increasingly deviate from the shared human values of peace and justice, China is putting true universalism into practice through concrete actions, steadfastly defending core values such as fairness and justice, and playing a leading role in the progress of global civilization.
The arduousness of this journey is self-evident. Yet China possesses invaluable experience in overcoming adversaries. Despite comprehensive inferiority in military, economic and technological domains, the Chinese people ultimately defeated the invaders. Many Japanese to this day remain trapped in the illusion of “might makes right,” with some even clinging to the absurd claim that “the Japanese army never lost in China.” Those who hold such views fail to grasp how the Communist Party of China, armed with theoretical innovation and practical experience, developed the strategies of protracted war and guerrilla warfare that mobilized the immense strength of the entire nation in resisting aggression. Such a strategy of undermining the enemy’s rule from within not only secured China’s victory but also offered invaluable and lasting inspiration for the subsequent global anti-colonial and national liberation movements.
Today, China is facing interference and coercion from countries such as Japan and the US. Yet China will neither yield nor compromise; instead, it is committed to waging a protracted war full of hardships.
Admittedly, this struggle differs from the Anti-Fascist War a century ago in its historical context: China has already achieved rapid economic growth, and its vast domestic market itself serves as the “base area” supporting this effort. By building a community with a shared future for humanity and promoting the Belt and Road Initiative, China is working with Global South countries in mutual support and common development. In this sense, China is carrying out a new form of “protracted war” on a global scale, one that seeks to serve the interests of the broadest population.
Despite the formidable obstacles imposed by the US and other powers through military and economic pressure, China has continued to uphold its developmental rights, achieving economic rise and national rejuvenation. This not only instills confidence in constructing a global path of justice, peace and development opposed to hegemonism and neo-colonialism, but also explores a path of peaceful development. At present, the Global South – with China as a key driving force – has entered a new historical stage: not only gradually breaking free from the legacy of modern Western colonial systems in economic and political spheres, but also striving to build a new form of spiritual civilization rooted in the principles of peaceful coexistence.
What resonates is the insistence that this struggle is not over, that the past is still very much alive—in both memory and political framing. Ryuji argues that China’s course is a “protracted war” in a moral sense, sustained through diplomacy, narrative, and resilience rather than missiles and armies. The framing suggests that justice is as much about historical consciousness as about treaty terms or diplomatic deals.
One passage that struck me describes how interference and coercion (from what Ryuji identifies as external powers) are seen as threats not only to sovereignty but to the very idea of fairness in international order. In that sense, the fight for justice becomes a defense of national dignity and collective memory.
I also found it meaningful that Ryuji isn’t painting the picture in binary terms of victim and aggressor. Instead, he treats this as an ongoing tension—where peace, justice, and memory are negotiated and reasserted in each generation. The article underscores that even when weapons are silent, the battle over history, narrative, and moral legitimacy continues.