The following is the text of a speech given by Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez at an online meeting of the Scottish Trade Union Peace Network on 22 August 2024.
Carlos discusses the nature of China’s foreign policy, dealing with common criticisms such as that China seeks to “undermine democracy” in Taiwan, that it is an aggressive and expansionist power in the South China Sea, and that its nuclear arsenal poses a serious threat to world peace.
The speech goes on to analyse the theoretical basis and economic underpinnings of China’s foreign policy, observing that China’s rise “has never been based on dominating the land, labour, resources and markets of the rest of the world. It has never been driven by the expand-or-die logic of capital.”
Carlos concludes by detailing the expanding US-led campaign of containment and encirclement against China, and calling for “progressive and peace-loving people the world over to join hands in building global mass opposition to this insanity”.
Other speakers at the event included Fiona Edwards (No Cold War Britain) and Jonathon Shafi (Stop the War Scotland).
NB. This speech has been published as an article on Xinhua.
Many thanks for inviting me to join you.
I’m going to focus my remarks on China’s foreign policy, comparing that with the US and Britain’s foreign policy, and then discussing the dangers of this escalating New Cold War, which could all too easily end up as a hot war.
China aggressive?
China of course is framed in the Western media as an “aggressive” and “expansionist” power which is hell-bent on subverting the “rules-based international order”.
According to the NATO Heads of State summit in Washington last month, “China’s stated ambitions and coercive policies continue to challenge our interests, security and values”.
What’s the basis for this characterisation? I’m going to talk about some of common themes:
First, Taiwan. China is accused of undermining democracy in Taiwan and threatening imminent invasion.
The funny thing is that China’s position on the Taiwan question has not meaningfully changed in the last seven decades, and it’s entirely consistent with international law and numerous United Nations resolutions – not to mention the various joint agreements between the US and China.
Taiwan is a part of China. It was seized by Japan in 1895 and returned to Chinese control in 1945, at the end of World War 2, as agreed by Britain, the US, the Soviet Union and China at the Potsdam Conference.
In 1949, having lost in the Chinese Civil War, Chang Kai-shek and his people fled to Taiwan and set up a renegade administration, and the US positioned its Navy – the Seventh Fleet – in the Taiwan Strait to prevent the communist government from reuniting the country. But even then, Taiwan never claimed to be a separate country – the Kuomintang simply said that Taiwan was the real China and that the People’s Republic was the renegade. Indeed that idea is still part of Taiwan’s constitution.
So China’s very consistent position is that Taiwan is part of China. This position – the One China Principle – is accepted by more than 90 percent of the world’s countries, including the US and Britain. China has always said that it seeks peaceful reunification but that it reserves the right to use force in case of outside interference or a unilateral declaration of independence. Furthermore it makes the very reasonable point that the Taiwan issue is an internal matter for Chinese people on both sides of the Strait to resolve.
There is nothing particularly bellicose or unusual about such a position. Frankly, if you’ll excuse the slight provocation, China’s historic claim to Taiwan is far stronger than Britain’s historic claim to Scotland, but does anyone think Westminster would avoid the use of force if Scotland, backed and armed by Russia, say, were to unilaterally declare independence.
So nothing has changed with respect to China’s position on the Taiwan question. What’s changed is that the US and its allies, seeking to provoke conflict and undermine China, are increasing their support for separatist elements, are increasing their supply of weapons to the administration in Taipei, and are steadily rowing back on the One China Principle.
Biden has said multiple times that the US would intervene militarily if Beijing were to attempt to change the status quo by force – which goes directly against what was agreed by the US and China back in the 1970s when relations were re-established. It is essentially a way of signalling: we are building towards war against China, and Taiwan will likely be the flashpoint. And the way we plan to win public support for that war is by presenting it as a war to protect democracy in Taiwan.
Another popular accusation about China’s “aggression” is that it’s engaged in expansionism in the South China Sea, because it patrols its own waters, and because it has a number of complicated territorial disputes over control of an array of tiny uninhabited islands.
The details of the disputes are not particularly relevant for our purposes. These territorial disputes are inherited from previous generations and they’re not easy to resolve. For example, there are numerous disputes in relation to the Arctic Circle, between Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia and the US. The disputes involving China receive relatively more attention because the US is attempting to leverage them to foment broader anti-China feeling in Southeast Asia and to present China in the most negative light possible.
Again, China hasn’t changed its position on these questions; there has simply been an escalation of anti-China propagandising by the West.
On the South China Sea, it’s worth mentioning that China’s definition of its borders was determined before 1949, before the founding of the People’s Republic. The nine-dash line defining China’s maritime borders was created by the Kuomintang government in 1947, and certainly didn’t cause any stir in Western capitals at the time. After all, China at that time was considered by the West as an important ally in the global war against communism.
The People’s Republic of China has not made a single new territorial claim. And although it patrols the South China Sea and works to protect its trade routes and to prevent any potential blockade being imposed by the US, it has never once impeded international trade.
So when the US carries out its so-called ‘freedom of navigation assertions’ in the South China Sea, it’s not because China is blocking navigation. China is not being aggressive; the US is being aggressive, and according itself the role of world policeman. The US has no jurisdiction in the South China Sea. Can anyone imagine what the US response would be if China carried out freedom of navigation assertions off the coast of California?
Then there’s the question of nuclear weapons. The media is full of alarmist reports about China’s expanding nuclear arsenal. But China has fewer than 500 nuclear warheads, compared to over 5,000 for the US.
China maintains a strictly defensive nuclear posture. Of all the nuclear powers, it is the only one to have a clear policy of no-first use, meaning that it will never use nuclear weapons other than in response to a nuclear attack.
It’s also the only nuclear power to guarantee that it will never use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear country, meaning that it refuses to engage in the type of nuclear blackmail which the US specialises in.
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